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London : 
Printed by A. & 11. Spotliswoode, 
New- Street- Square. 



(>!• THE 










Q7 A 33 


This Volume does not require an introduction. — 
The pieces which it contains are valuable fragments 
of Irish politics ; they show the temper of the times, 
the character of the government, and the spirit of the 
people — they throw some light upon the affairs of 
a misgoverned country, and if they should, at last, 
convey any useful information to its rulers, they will 
render a blessing to Ireland, and a benefit to the 


Dublin, 1822. 



Digitized by the Internet Archive 
in 2013 



Letter to Lord Townsend, and Remarks on his Government 

in Ireland 2 

Letter to the Earl of Harconrt 5 

Character of Mr. Pitt (Lord Chatham) 9 

Observations on the Irish Perpetual Mutiny Bill, with Stric- 
tures on Lord Buckinghamshire's Administration in Ireland 1 1 

Address to the Citizens of Dublin, containing Remarks on 

the Conduct of the Irish Government 4-0 

Declaration and Petition to the King from his Irish Subjects 

for Redress 65 

Letter feg the Editor of the Courier Newspaper, on the Con- 
duct of certain Public Bodies in Ireland in 1798 91 

Answer to a Pamphlet, entitled, A Speech of the Earl of 
Clare, on the Union 95 


Return of the effective Volunteer Army in Ireland, in 1782. 
— Alphabetical List of the Volunteers and Names of their 

Officers 129 

Freedom of the Guilds voted to Mr. Grattan 140 

Addresses from the Volunteers and other Public Bodies to 
Mr. Grattan, with his Answers, prior to the Recovery of 

the Independent Constitution 143 

Dungannon Meeting and Resolutions, in 1782 170 

Vddresses from the Volunteers to Mr. Grattan, and his 
Answers, subsequent to the Recovery of the Independent 

Constitution 173 

Proceedings in the Parliaments of both Kingdoms on the 

Irish Revolution of 1782 250 

Poyning's Law — Act of 6th Geo. I. — Act of Repeal 264 

Whig Club 266 

Declaration of the Whig Club, in Answer to a Speech of 

Lord Clare 270 

General Election in 1790 279 




Addresses from the Roman Catholics, the University of 
Dublin, and other Public Bodies, on the Departure of Lord 
Fitzwilliam, with Mr. Grattan's Answers 293 

Aggregate Meeting — Resolution presented to Mr. Grattan 

on his retiring from Parliament, and his Answer 299 

Union Aggregate Meeting — Address to Mr. Grattan, and 
his Answer 307 

Roman Catholic Addresses, and Answers of Mr. Grattan 
thereto 310 

General Election in 1806 — Speech of Mr. Grattan 312 

Letter to the Board of Education in Ireland 320 

General Election in 1818 356 

Addresses to Mr. Grattan from the Parishes of Dublin, and 
his Answers 359 

Address to Mr. Grattan from the Roman Catholics of Ire- 
land in 1820, and his Answers 384 

Address of the Roman Catholics of Liverpool, on Mr. Grat- 
tan's going to England to bring forward the question of 
Roman Catholic Emancipation 386 

Mr. Grattans Speeches are published in four volumes 8vo. 



4'C SfC. 

TFhE two following letters composed part of a celebrated 
series of papers which appeared in Ireland during the Viceroy- 
ship of Lord Townshend. They were first published in the 
Freeman's Journal, and afterwards collected in a single 
volume, entitled, " Baratariana," from the history of Barataria, 
w hich, under that name, professes to give an account of Lord 
Townshend's ministry. They took their rise from the conduct 
of that governor proroguing the Irish Parliament, and forcing 
on the journals of the House of Lords his protest against the 
proceedings of the Commons in rejecting a money-bill, be- 
cause it had been altered by the privy council. 

The principal authors of the work were, Sir Hercules Lang- 
rishe, Mr. Flood, Mr. Gervaise Parker Bushe, and Mr. 
Grattan. " The celebrated Ballad on the Rejection of the 
altered Money-bill," — the characters in the history of Bara- 
taria, and the description of Miss Monroe, by Sir Hercules 
Langrishe, will long remain evidences of the exquisite taste 
and talent of their author. 

Lord Townshend, Mr. Tisdall (Attorney-general), Mr. 
Hutchinson (Prime Serjeant), Anthony Malone, Provost 
Andrews, Lord Annaly, Lord Loftus, and Sir George Mac- 
artney, are the principal personages in the supposed history. 
The spirit and humour, the point and taste which charac- 
terize the work, have rendered it not less interesting as a pro- 
duction of genius than instructive as a matter connected witli 
the politics of Ireland. 

The letters by Mr. Grattan are introduced merely with a 
view to show his early attention to the public affairs of his 





To the Right Honourable Lord Viscount Townshend. 
My Loud, 

The following papers should be dedicated to you, for you are 
the subject of them ; had they been barren of literary merit, 
they had not been much attended to; had they possessed li- 
terary merit alone, they had not been attended to long. No, 
my Lord, they had something more, they had truth, and ap- 
pealed to a nation, who in these essays recognized its own 
idea, reflected with additional lustre. They spoke with a 
warmth expressive of great feelings, greatly agitated, upon 
great occasion. If they descended to your train, it was be- 
cause your train were your ministers. If they glanced at your 
private life, it was because the levity of your private life en- 
tered into your public conduct, and became the character of 
your government. They spoke with moderation in the fer- 
vour of the times ; and now, that the war, which your admi- 
nistration waged with the public, is at an end, and every thing 
respecting your person buried in compassion and contempt ; 
these papers, upon constitutional principles, make a sober ap- 
peal to the judgment of the people ; and are presented, not 
as satire, but history. 

The liberty of the press (it were vain to deny it) has ad- 
vanced to great maturity under the present reign. Its pro- 
gress is easily accounted for, — during the life of the late mo- 
narch the press spoke the language of insinuation. His Ma- 
jesty, a plain, honest gentleman, of the house of Hanover, 
was not likely to deserve, or to punish, or indeed to under- 
stand, libels. There was no mysterious attachment in his 
family, an allusion to which could never be forgiven. His 
Court was not always without some claim to principle, and 
did not advance extravagant pretensions to devotion ; pre- 
tensions, suspicious to the simplicity of the English, not yet 
accustomed to the novelty of a puritanical piety, selecting, 
for its support, men of the most dissolute morals. 

When his present Majesty ascended the throne, the first 
acts of his reign generated libellers. His measures gave mat- 
ter, and persecution gave boldness, to composition. The 
hand of power touched the press, and, like the porcupine, it 
started into a thousand shafts ; — a person, not in himself, per- 
haps, the most respectable, attacked the favourite with vigour; 



to depress that person, the court violated the constitution, and 
he rose proportionally, in the estimation of the people. The 
persecution of government hurt the temper, and its prostitu- 
tion impaired the delicacy, of the press. The usurpations of 
prerogative were expedients at first, and became principles 
afterwards ; in the same manner, corruption, the occasional 
practice of foregoing reigns, became the established maxim of 
the present. The press varied with the vices it was to cor- 
rect ; and, unable to reform, endeavoured to brand and terrify 
a shameless administration. 

The venality of Parliament aided this progress. When the 
House of Commons was honest, it spoke for the people; and 
the people, relying on that resource, were silent. 13ut when 
Parliament became the echo of administration, the constitu- 
tional utterance of popular sentiments being impeded, the 
people were obliged to speak for themselves; and their feel- 
ings burst forth, as it were, in explosion. And, indeed, since 
impeachment has died out of the constitution ; since national 
justice is only administered by the censorial power of the pub- 
lic, the exercise of this power is become essential, and uncom- 
mon censure is the consequence of uncommon profligacy. 

In this kingdom, my Lord, from the time of your arrival 
in it, you were contented to degrade yourself below the con- 
dition, I will not say of a Viceroy, but of a gentleman, and to 
become the miserable instrument of English tyranny. Through 
you, the little minister of the day, whoever he happened to be, 
played upon our constitution ; and, unfortunately, the engine 
that he used was directed, not to allay, but to inflame. Mea- 
sures, differing indeed from those pursued in Great Britain, 
because adapted to another meridian, but equally oppressive, 
practised against a country already sufficiently oppressed, — a 
determined perseverance in doctrines, as arbitrary and uncon- 
stitutional as any of the Mansfield code, touching the vitals of 
the state, and tending to deprive the representatives of the 
people of their most essential and incommunicable rights, — 
the same undue influence exerted on a complying House of 
Commons, — and the same declared hostility against every 
man who did but assume the name of a friend to his country. 
These causes, I say, my Lord, all concurred to produce the 
same effects here, that a similar system had before produced 
in England : they excited, in every honest breast, the same 
freedom of thinking and writing, the same spirit of candid re- 
presentation, and vigorous remonstrance, on the part of the 

Here, too, the productions of the press were incited by a 
circumstance which did not exist in England, — the unexam- 
pled intemperance of publications on the part of the court. 
b 2 


M l SC E LLANEOl) S wo It k s. 

A paper, supported, my Lord, by your authority, perhaps oc- 
casionally supplied by your labours, went beyond the reserve 
of ordinary libellers, and reproached the delicacy of the North 
Briton. Mr. WagstafPs essays *, distinguished for carrying 
personal invective into unusual excess, are still more remark- 
able for directing that invective against principle itself. It was 
not the false pretender to patriotism ; it was the name of pa- 
triot, and the virtues of patriotism which were insulted. 
Finding it vain to wage war against truth and conviction, 
against the wishes and the sense of the nation ; finding inte- 
grity in its own form invulnerable, and sophistry ineffectual, 
what was to be done? The domestic arguments, and the so- 
cial affections of your opponents were viewed in the inverted 
glass of distortion, and imputed to them as crimes. In vain 
did the modesty of private life imagine itself secure. Its eco- 
nomy was burlesqued, its splendour was derided, its taste, its 
friendships, its most amiable characteristics, its finest feelings, 
whatever had dignity enough to be susceptible of violation, all 
were outraged, ridiculed, and distorted. It seemed as if every 
species of virtue was to be destroyed, before your Lordship 
could be defended. The style, too, of those essays, distinguish- 
ed them ; it is too light for conviction. The cause of truth is 
seldom supported by farcical compositions, and by that more 
than Gallic gaiety with which the courtier sings Te Deum on 
the defeats of the constitution. 

When Shaftesbury wished to attack truth and religion, he 
made ridicule the test of both ; but a Hooker and a Locke 
defended them by other arms. The writers of 6 The Mer- 
cury' speak to the nation on its most essential interests, in the 
frolicsome petulance with which one .slave might salute his 
fellow. Without any of the genius, they have all the vice of 
their great exemplar. 

The following papers will reach you, my Lord, in another 
country. They will contribute to amuse those leisure mo- 
ments, when you reflect on transactions that must once have 
agitated your bosom. They will recal those motley times of 
embarrassed indolence, — of broken councils, — of sordid so- 
ciety, — when business waited, while Dennis jested, and Cun- 
ninghamf advised. You will look back to the sea, on which 
you once were tossed, and feel a joy to be on shore, though 
naked, and without a friend. In these moments of reflection 
and of safety, you will recollect that you have introduced into 
this country a long train of mischiefs ; that you have left a 

* Letters in a work entitled, " The Batchelor" written in support of 
Lord Townshend's administration, and against the members then in oppo- 

+ Two of Lord Townshend's court. 



nunie, as little to be forgotten as it can be beloved; that the 
men who opposed you were not your enemies, nor the men 
who supported you your friends; that your largesses were reject- 
ed by the spirit of indignant poverty ; that your favours, when 
they were received, were written in the sandy memory of disgust- 
ed hirelings, but your injuries engraven on the marble of the 
constitution. Softened and stung by these considerations, you 
will lament the time when you were called from the ranks to 
which you belong, and, from the ludicrous singularity of your 
genius, transplanted to a station, where honours did not grow 
around you ; and where, of all whom you have served, and all 
whom you have injured, your adversaries are those alone of 
whom you cannot complain. 

Le b'jn (emj)s viendra. — eng. peerage. 

To (he Earl of Harcourt. 

November 14. 1772. 

My Loun, 

The state of this country, and the ill advice, as representa- 
tive of the King, you are sure to be exposed to, justify an 
early address on the part of the public. More sincere than 
the accents with which the Parliament, the city, and the 
port receive you, it shall be not less decent, less full of ardent 
hopes, of favourable impressions. We salute you with that 
credulous cordiality, that open hospitality, and all those live- 
ly expectations, peculiar to a generous and a sanguine peo- 
ple. At the departure of the late Viceroy we feel an alacrity, 
the effect of relief; and, inferring from the physical to the 
political climate, after such tempests, we hope that better days 
will succeed. 

We know you bring with you a decorum and splendour 
long forgotten in this country, and we believe you add qua- 
lities which are substantial. 

No people are more addicted to their chief governor, 
until by his conduct, he corrects every tendency in his fa- 
vour, aud destroys the faintest supposition of his virtue. 

You come among us in times that are critical, but not dif- 
ficult ; you ascend the Irish throne in the day of its unpo- 
pularity and degradation, with powers, and, we presume, 
with wishes, to raise it above its present condition; fraud, 
perfidy, and profusion. There is no royal disease, we con- 
b 3 



eeive, in that scat which once was honourable, communicated 
from Viceroy to Viceroy, in a course of infected succession. 

You must have been already informed that the power of 
this country was formerly in a few natives. Government dis- 
liked this system, because these men sometimes opposed ; and 
the nation disliked it, because they generally complied with 
the minister. We thought it dangerous to collect the being of 
the people to the point of a life-blood, not always protected 
by virtue. The scheme of government should have been ra- 
ther to weaken than destroy a natural influence ; and on that 
principle, government would have found support. The Vice- 
roy should have enlarged the basis of administration, and, in 
opposition to an oligarchy, should have stood on popular af- 
fection. Time, the friend of power, a resident influence, 
whose operation is constant, and the leaning of this country 
to administration, would have safely established the desired 
revolution ; revolution, which should steal upon a nation, 
never alarm it. 

A different system was pursued. The chief governor be- 
gan his attack upon the power of the oligarchy by an insult on 
their persons, not considering that, although their power 
ought to have been impaired, their persons were to be re- 
spected. Instead of resting administration on the nation in 
general, he detached the nation from his ministry by an idle 
contest, almost in the commencement of his authority, and 
placed the oligarchy on the very ground on which he should 
have placed himself; making them, not the heads of a fac- 
tion, but the leaders of the people. 

There was no idea of securing, or softening, or detaching, 
by address, by moderation, or a faint example of better go- 
vernment. To discredit the established influence of others, 
was the object of the Viceroy. For this, the power of the 
Crown was ineffectually and dishonourably abused ; difficulties, 
which arose from indiscretion, were encountered by profusion ; 
profusion created new difficulties, to be withstood by new 

A wanton increase of nominal employments, and real sine- 
cures ; engagements, dishonourable if they are kept, and 
dishonourable if they are violated; a swarm of dependants 
unfit for any station, introduced into the high station of Parlia- 
ment, — were the happy resources of a government, that was 
to reconcile to innovation, and purposed to repose in this 

Thus, the new system, which was to fall upon this country 
like manna from above, shook the realm. The question was 
no more whether an English administration, or an Irish oli- 
garchy should prevail ; the question was now, whether Ire- 



land, in days of peace and poverty, should pay for the con- 
tinuance of a fatal government, and for the support of every 
project of corruption, by the imposition of a land tax. 

Thus, my Lord, we are taught to look back with affection 
at our old oligarchy. The scheme of politics, however nar- 
rowed, was not then a job with every person who wore the 
livery of the court ; the wealth of the nation was not then de- 
voted to every purpose, except the exigencies of the kingdom 
and the splendour of the Crown ; the country was not then 
laid under contribution to support the idle and griping train 
of the revenue ; the nation was not then a wasted field of 
battle, where the Viceroy consulted victory, and not govern- 

It was unfortunate for this country that the man appointed 
to unite to administration all the branches of power, was the 
most distinguished for his aversion to business. The sceptre 
fell among his domestics, who became ministers to him, and 
incumbrances to us. Thus the indolence of the executive 
power became a rent-charge upon the nation ! 

I have described the event of this system in general terms ; 
I will not tire your patience by entering into the detail of 
measures about which there is little doubt, either as to their 
existence or impropriety; but this, my Lord, I will say, that 
when you come among us, you will see the foulest policy that 
ever took the name of government. Viceroys who have 
hitherto presided in this country, submitted upon every oc- 
casion to every minister, because their natural situation was 
below their elevation, and they stood upon a fearful precipice, 
from whence they trembled to fall ; but the terms on which 
you will receive and preserve the favours of your sovereign will 
not be unworthy ; for you, my Lord, can command favours. 

An accomplished peer of England, full of age and honours, 
will not forfeit the maturity of his good name for an office, 
little to his fortune, nothing to his glory, and by no means 
flattering to the tranquillity of his disposition. Speaking from 
the throne, he will observe truth, and, contributing to any 
popular measure, consistency; his douceurs will be without 
treachery, his engagements without falsehood. He will not 
bring along with him to a plundered country an hungry set of 
followers, but rather Amalthea's horn ; and scatter the novelty 
of prosperity among us. In the distribution of bounty he 
will remember, that the money he gives is not his own, and 
he will show that vice is, at least, not his object; his pensions 
and places will not scandalize his royal Master, nor put a pub- 
lic mark on the worthlessness of the receiver. My Lord, you 
are to reside among us; and if you are not to share our pros- 
b 4 



perity or distresses, you will, however, enjoy, by public observ- 
ations on your conduct, the full fame of your administration. 
An evanescent harpy of the Crown will have no scruples; but 
the gentleman who means to live in the midst of his tenantry, 
no doubt, will be a gracious landlord. A resident chief go- 
vernor labours under a difficulty unknown to some viceroys, 
and little considered by the last. He is apt to become too 
jocular a fellow, and to forget the dignity of his office in the 
Ivity of his person ; the delegated crown is too great a weight 
to be long sustained by every subject. We have seen the 
paltry actor sink into himself, before the royal mantle was 
laid aside, and the tragedy of his government concluded. 

As to Lord Townshend, I shall say little of him. His 
spirit, his decorum, his ministry, his manners, all have been 
discussed, not much to his honour, still less to his reformation. 
Fortune raised this man to a ridiculous visibility, where the 
extravagant genius of his character fatally displayed itself. 
At one time he would elope from his office, and no man could 
say where the delegated crown had hid itself; at another time, 
business must follow him from haunt to haunt, and detect 
him with the most disgraceful company, in the most disgrace- 
ful intimacy. The old servants of the court, accustomed to 
the regularity of former times, looked up with astonishment 
to a comet that seemed to have broken from one sphere, 
to introduce confusion into another. With respect to his 
friendships, it was impossible to say whom he loved, and not 
easy to determine whether he loved any one ; as to bounty, 
the favour was cancelled before it was conferred, and the ob- 
ject of it hated for ever. It is not strange that such a 
character should exist ; but it is very strange, that in such 
a character there should be parts and genius ; a momentary 
ray, which, like a faint wintry beam, shot and vanished. He 
had even starts of good feeling also, absorbed in a moment in 
the hurricane of his bosom, as his parts were lost in the clouds 
of his understanding. I speak of his foibles ; as to his vices, 
I shall not dwell upon them. We saw this man arrayed like 
majesty, and felt indignation ; we see him now descend from 
the throne, and are ashamed that he was ever an object of 
serious resentment. We leave him to the vacancy of a mind 
ill suited to retreat, and now accustomed to the farce of state, 
and the blunder of business. We leave him to a country that 
his talents will never injure, — to an office which we wish he 
may discharge better *, — and to a large patronage, from 
which we hope he may not derive a multitude of enemies. 

* He was afterwards created Master General of the Ordnance, 



The secretary stood alone. Modern degeneracy had not readi- 
ed him. Original and unaccommodating, the features of his 
character had the hardihood of antiquity ; his august mind over- 
awed majesty; and one of his sovereigns f thought royalty so 
impaired in his presence, that he conspired to remove him, in 
order to be relieved from his superiority. No state chicanery, no 
narrow systems of vicious politics, no idle contest for ministerial 
victories sunk him to the vulgar level of the great; but, over- 
bearing, persuasive, and impracticable, his object was England, 
— his ambition was fame; without dividing, he destroyed 
party; without corrupting he made a venal age unani- 
mous; France sunk beneath him; with one hand he smote 
the house of Bourbon, and wielded in the other the demo- 
cracy of England. The sight of his mind was infinite, and 
his schemes were to affect, not England, not the present age 
only, but Europe and posterity. Wonderful were the means 
by which these schemes were accomplished, always season- 
able, always adequate, the suggestions of an understanding 
animated by ardour, and enlightened by prophecy. 

The ordinary feelings which make life amiable and indo- 
lent, — those sensations which soften, and allure, and vul- 
garize, were unknown to him; no domestic difficulties, no 
domestic weakness reached him ; but, aloof from the sordid 
occurrences of life, and unsullied by its intercourse, he came 
occasionally into our system to counsel and decide. 

A character so exalted, so strenuous, so various, so autho- 
ritative, astonished a corrupt age, and the Treasury trembled 
at the name of Pitt through all her classes of venality. Cor- 
ruption imagined, indeed, that she had found defects in this 
statesman, and talked much of the inconsistency of his glory, 
and much of the ruin of his victories; — but the history of 
his country, and the calamities of the enemy, answered and 
refuted her. 

* Lord Chatham. 

f Not George II. 



Nor were his political abilities his only talents; his elo- 
quence was an aera in the senate, peculiar and spontaneous, 
familiarly expressing gigantic sentiments and instinctive wis- 
dom, — not like the torrent of Demosthenes, or the splendid 
conflagration of Tully; it resembled, sometimes the thunder, 
and sometimes the music of the spheres. Like Murray *, he 
did not conduct the understanding through the painful sub- 
tility of argumentation ; nor was he, like Townshend f , for ever 
on the rack of exertion, but rather lightened upon the sub- 
ject, and reached the point by the flashings of his mind, 
which, like those of his eye, were felt, but could not be 

Yet he was not always correct or polished ; on the con- 
trary, he was sometimes ungrammatical, negligent, and unen- 
forcing, for he concealed his art, and was superior to the knack 
of oratory. Upon many occasions he abated the vigour of 
his eloquence ; but even then, like the spinning of a cannon- 
ball, he was still alive with fatal, unapproachable, activity. 

Upon the whole, there was in this man something that 
could create, subvert, or reform ; an understanding, a spirit, 
and an eloquence to summon mankind to society, or to break 
the bonds of slavery asunder, and rule the wildness of free 
minds with unbounded authority ; something that could 
establish or overwhelm empire, and strike a blow in the world 
that should resound through its history. 

* Lord Mansfield. 

t Mr. Charles Townshend. See his character in Burke's speech on 
American taxation. 






\ou have been active in the service of your country ; you 
have been liberal in rewarding individuals; you have set an 
example of public virtue in your own conduct, and have en- 
couraged it in others by the warmest panegyric. * 

You have done this, in a country where patriotism had 
been timid, infrequent, and treacherous; and in an age 
when the principle was supposed to have perished ; when the 
hearty intercourse of private life reconciled to state offenders, 
and clumsy good-humour compromised every public indig- 
nity ; a great change in a short time has been wrought in the 
public mind; an alteration has followed in the national con- 
dition. I remember the state of this country before you 
formed your associations; I remember your condition before 
you took up arms ; I see the change, and rejoice at it. It 
was not your fault that we have not more reason to rejoice; 
that trade and constitution, so near a happy settlement, 
should be thrown back into a state of suspense; that the na- 
tion has been stung when she began to repose ; and that they 
who are the loudest to preach satisfaction, have been bribed 
to furnish new grounds of discontent. 

The people of Ireland are not ungrateful, nor insatiable, 
nor seditious ; but no people will be satisfied who conceive 
themselves cheated of a free grant of trade, and see a con- 
stitution rescued out of the hands of one parliament to be 

* See proceedings and resolutions of the Irish volunteers. 



mangled by another. You perceive I allude to the sugar and 
mutiny bills. I mean to make the latter the subject of this 

I am not afraid of the people of Ireland ; I have an opinion 
of their understanding, and a confidence in their integrity; 
I do not agree in that vulgar and courtly notion, that political 
discussion idles a nation. With the examples before me of 
Great Britain and the north of Ireland, I say the spirit of 
liberty brings on the spirit of trade, and that our immediate 
interest is our proper study: arms and liberty, the great se- 
curities of acquisition, cannot be inconsistent with the habits 
of acquiring ; the manufacturer does not become weak by 
discipline, nor is the elector disfranchised by being armed. 
In every free state, politics should be the study of all ; a mys- 
tery to the people, they become the trade of the great; the 
political monopolist is a hardened jobber. That state is in- 
deed prosperous which can produce an armed, disciplined, 
industrious, vigilant, and constitutional people. 

But of all nations, Ireland should apply herself to the 
study of her own rights, because her constitution is now 
forming, the nation is moulding ; whatever hurt she now re- 
ceives, we carry that cast of infirmity from the cradle to the 
grave. Our liberty as yet has received no express acknow- 
ledgements, from the resolutions of parliament, from the 
declarations of judges, or from the assent of the chief ma- 
gistrate ; it depends upon the steady sense which the people 
entertain of their own laws, and upon the power they retain to 
render that sense efficacious. We obtained trade and liberty 
in the character of an armed, active community; in that 
character will we preserve them : we will discuss political 
questions ; we will discuss and condemn even such as have ob- 
tained, through bribery, the approbation of Parliament ; 
corruption prevailing in the senate shall not silence the nation. 
Upon these principles, I submit to you some observations 
upon the perpetual mutiny bill. 

I conceive that standing armies in peace are against the 
principles of the constitution, and the safety of public liberty ; 
they have subverted the freedom of all nations, except in 
those instances where their numbers were small, or the 
power of the Sovereign over such an instrument limited in 
quality or duration ; for it is in vain to set bounds to the au- 
thority of the chief magistrate in other matters by the general 
tendency of law, if a specific statute or ordinance shall give 
him a perpetual and irresistible force. In such a case, the 
law would invest the king with a power too strong for herself 
and would make provision for her own violation ; and as the 



army itselfis dangerous, so also is that code of law by which 
such an establishment is regulated and accommodated. The 
mutiny bill, or martial law methodized, is not only different 
from, but directly opposite to, the common law of the land ; 
it sets aside her trial by jury, departs from her principles 
of evidence, declines her ordinary tribunals of justice, and 
in their place establishes a summary proceeding, arbitrary 
crimes, arbitrary punishments, a secret sentence, and a sud- 
den execution. It invests his Majesty with a power to ordain 
what new offences, and establish what new punishments he 
shall in his discretion think fit, provided the punishment do 
not extend to life or limb. " A vast and important trust," says 
the author of the Commentaries, speaking of an annual, 
not a perpetual mutiny bill ; " an unlimited power to create 
crimes, and annex to them any punishment not extending to 
life or limb. These are forbidden to be inflicted, except for 
crimes declared to be punishable by this act ; among which 
we may observe, that any disobedience to lawful commands 
is one." 

The object of this code is to bring those who are reached 
by it to a state of implicit subordination, and to create in 
their Sovereign an absolute authority. It furnishes a perfect 
image of arbitrary power. Accordingly the people of Eng- 
land, whose maxims we should admire and emulate, jealous 
on all subjects which relate to liberty, have exceeded, on the 
subject of the army, their usual caution ; they have, in the 
preamble of their annual mutiny bill, claimed their birthright; 
they recite part of the declaration of right, " that standing 
armies and martial law in peace, without the consent of Par- 
liament, are illegal ;" and having stated the simplicity and 
purity of their ancient constitution, and having set forth a 
great principle of Magna Charta, they admit a partial and 
temporary repeal of it; they admit an army and a law for its 
regulation, but they limit the number of the former, and the 
duration of both; confining all the troops themselves, the 
law that regulates, and the power that commands them, to 
one year. Thus is the army of England rendered a parlia- 
mentary army, the constitutional ascendancy of the subject 
over the soldier, preserved ; the military rendered effectually 
subordinate to the civil magistrate, because dependent on 
parliament ; the government of the sword controlled in its ex- 
ercise, because limited in its duration ; and the King entrusted 
with the command of the army, during good behaviour only. 
And yet that wise people have hitherto considered the army, 
thus limited, thus dependent, thus qualified, and thus sheath- 


ed, as a necessary evil ; and will not even admit of barracks, 
lest the soldier should be still more alienated from the state 
of a subject, and thus alienated and armed, have a post of 
strength, and aggravate the dangerous nature of his condi- 
tion by the advantage of his situation. 

When the Parliament of Ireland proceeded to regulate the 
army, I conceive it should have adopted the maxims of the 
British constitution, as much as the rules of British discipline; 
I conceive that it ought to be the policy of this country to go 
step by step with the British nation in all her wise regulations ; 
and not only adopt her constitution, but pursue the wise and 
aged maxims which she has formed for its preservation ; that 
mutual liberty may be common strength ; that England may 
not be our tyrant, nor we her enslaver ; that Ireland may not 
be a prerogative country with a constitution inverted, a bad 
lesson to kings, poisoning their minds with false notions of go- 
vernment, and arming their hands with unconstitutional 
powers. We have, however, departed from the example and 
maxims of England ; we have done so in the most important 
concern, the government of the sword; and in three most ma- 
terial instances: we have omitted in our mutiny bill the pre- 
amble which declares the great charter of liberty ; we have left 
the number of forces in the breast of his Majesty; and, under 
these circumstances, we have made the bill perpetual. 

This is to depart from the prudence of England, in the 
very case where we should have surpassed her in caution, be- 
cause we have all her reasons to dread a standing army, and 
many reasons of our own likewise ; we have no foreign domi- 
nions to preserve, and we have a constitution to lose, by the 
violence of an army, by the encroachments of the prince, and 
by the usurped authority of the British Parliament. The li- 
berty of this country has indeed been asserted by the inhabi- 
tants, but has received no adequate acknowledgment on the 
part of his Majesty ; on the contrary, his Excellency's confi- 
dential secretary did, on the part of the government, officially, 
from a written paper, declare that he opposed the introduction 
of the Irish mutiny bill, upon the principle, " that he con- 
ceived it unnecessary, — that the English act extended to 
Ireland also his Majesty's Attorney-general did assert, 
that the British Parliament could bind Ireland. Likewise, his 
Excellency, just before the arrival of the Irish bill, ordered 
the troops to change quarters, guarding, by a cotemporary 
comment, against whatever the bill might import in favour of 
our liberty. Also the post-office is kept up in this country 
without seeking an Irish act, contrary to an express engage- 



ment, without any legal existence whatsoever, yet affecting to 
stand upon a British statute. 

After such declarations and such acts of government, the 
name of Ireland exhibited in the British mutiny act, during 
the subsistence of the contest, with the example of America 
before us, to arm the chief magistrate, or rather, indeed, to 
arm the claims of the British Parliament with a perpetual 
law, for the regulation and accommodation of any indefinite 
number of troops his Majesty is pleased to keep up in Ireland, 
appears to me a measure of an unwarrantable and unseason- 
able, a corrupt and a crazy, confidence. 

I must observe, that the army, thus rendered by our law 
unconfined in its numbers, and by the same law made inde- 
pendent of Parliament for its regulation, however brave and 
respectable, is not a native army, but of that very country 
which claims to make law for Ireland ; also, I must observe, 
that the minister who, in fact, governs that army, is a British 
minister, not responsible to your Parliament, nor resident in 
your country ; so that now, by this pernicious bill, this mini- 
ster, alien in affection, contemptuous in disposition, distant in 
situation, and tree from the control of an expirable authority, 
may send into this country any number of troops which the 
return of his pride may require, and the collected strength of 
the empire, at the close of the war, shall be able to furnish ; 
and he may billet them upon you, in execution of any project 
of power, or avarice, or revenge; to collect a British tax, or 
disperse an Irish association, or trample on an Irish spirit ; 
and the people of this country have the mortification to think 
that they may, by their own law, a law grafted on their best 
exertions, be obliged to billet and accommodate troops quar- 
tered upon them for their destruction : or, though his Majes- 
ty's ministers may not choose to come to extremity, yet may 
they gradually, and at their leisure, armed with our law, and 
encouraged by our humiliation, raise new regiments, — a mea- 
sure both of corruption and force ; or throw into this kingdom 
such a body of troops as may break her spirit, watch her mo- 
tions, control her free action, and, finally, make those who be- 
fore thought it inexpedient to deny, soon think it inexpedient 
to resist, the usurped authority of the British Parliament. I 
say, the minister may do this at his leisure, and build by de- 
grees a system of tyranny on the foundation of our own law. 
Princes could not destroy liberty by force, if they had not ob- 
tained that force by law ; nor was any nation ever enslaved, 
who might not have found in herself the efficient causes of her 
own servitude : her laws become a suggestion to the tyrant ; 


the principle of political death is laid by the false guardians 
of public liberty. 

When I consider the critical situation of this country, I 
must suppose a mutiny bill, even for eighteen months, an act 
of confidence, justified by necessity only ; that the minister 
would not have abused that confidence is more than probable : 
limitation of period changes the nature and softens the exer- 
cise of power : before an attempt could be brought to bear, be- 
fore a sufficient number of forces could be conveniently col- 
lected, or before they could be ready for action, the act which 
kept them together might expire, and the crown, in the at- 
tempt, lose its revival : despotism would have wanted a root ; 
the law, in this case, — and the wisdom of a free people can 
do no more than take the best chance for their liberty, and 
multiply difficulties on those who should invade it, instead of 
making the passage easy and natural — the law, I say, in this 
case, would stand in the way of the early encroachment ; the 
apprehension of this would deter the attempt ; the army is 
prevented from flying off for ever from the law, by periodi- 
cally touching the sphere of the constitution. England has 
found a limited mutiny bill innoxious, but would not listen to 
a perpetual one. In fact, mutiny bills are limited on the 
same principle as money bills ; both are certain to be renew- 
ed ; but on the return to the people of the powers which both 
include, the purse and the sword, depends whatever of limit- 
ation is annexed to prerogative, or of privilege is annexed to 

I have still hopes, if his Majesty's ministers should make an 
unconstitutional use of this perpetual mutiny bill, our Parlia- 
ment would struggle for freedom — would refuse its assent to 
the additional supply and the military establishment, expect- 
ing that his Majesty's forces would want provision under the 
first measure, and disperse under the authority of the last. I 
think his Majesty's forces ought, but I do believe they would not: 
in strict constitution, I do think the specific consent of Par- 
liament is still necessary for the continuation of our army. I 
think farther, that the present mutiny bill expires with the 
Parliament that made it ; but these are points which an army 
will not comprehend, — no, it will make good its quarters by 
the sword. Our best security, therefore, for the privileges 
which we have left, does not consist in the powers which our 
Parliament has reserved, but in other resources : the spirit of 
the nation is high, her ministers are distracted, her liberty is 
in force, her volunteers are numerous, and the mischief of a 
military government is suspended by an armed people. 


I must further observe to you, that the mutiny bill is not 
only dangerous from the above considerations, but from 
others which I will state to you. The revenue of this coun- 
try is not granted in a manner favourable to public liberty. 
The hereditary revenue is above 6'00,000/. per annum ; the 
increase of that revenue, assisted by trade, and eased of addi- 
tional duties, would be considerable. Hitherto his Majesty's 
ministers in Ireland have lavished the public money for the 
purpose of increasing the undue influence of the Crown ; but if 
what is now employed to render Parliament subservient, 
should be applied to maintain an army independent of Parlia- 
ment ; if power in this country should take the shape of 
economy; if his Majesty's ministers, encouraged by this law, 
should try new councils and old resources, I do not say they 
would succeed ; God forbid ! But I do say, it was worthy of 
Parliament to have removed the danger by a limited mutiny 
bill, instead of prompting the experiment by a perpetual law. 
I must add, that as an ample revenue is perpetual, so is 
the power of collecting it perpetual, provided his Majesty 
do not call a Parliament; for the revenue bill is by an express 
clause to continue until the end of the then next session 
of Parliament. These are great defects in our constitution, 
very great indeed ! they have produced a train of the worst 
consequences; for to these perpetual grants of revenue and 
power, capable of being cured by a limited mutiny bill, but 
aggravated by a perpetual one, — to these grants do I attri- 
bute the frequent insults which, with the interval of a few 
months in the beginning of the last session, have been offered 
to the Irish Parliament, and the sottish compliance with 
which those insults have been borne ; the frequent, studious, 
and almost periodical breach of the privilege of the Irish 
House of Commons in the alteration of her money bills ; the 
solemn protest imposed, and I might say branded, on the 
journals of the Lords against the inherent and exclusive right 
of the Commons, to originate bills of supply; the tedious, 
lawless, wanton, and successive embargoes frequently laid 
during the sitting of Parliament, and without its consultation; 
the continuing to pay, by virtue of King's letter, the very pen- 
sions which the House of Commons had repeatedly disallowed; 
the refusing to give any account of great sums disbursed 
by the Privy Council under the denomination of Concordalum, 
and screened from enquiry under the impudent hypocrisy of 
an oath ; from the grants I speak of, has proceeded the 
plunder of our people, as well as the insults on our Par- 
liament ; the vast, indecent, and increasing number of places, 
pensions, salaries, additional salaries, &c. &c. and all that 



bold rapine, promoted by a desperate series of wretched Vice- 
roys. From these grants has proceeded another evil, the 
pregnant cause of many more, — no man in Ireland is re- 
sponsible for any thing ; the Lord Lieutenant is not respon- 
sible; his secretary is not responsible ; his dependants are not 
responsible; the inferior servants of the Crown, glorying in a 
base impunity, plead they are but the drudge of power : the 
superior criminal is shifted, the crime is continued, the griev- 
ance is accumulated, and the nation is cheated both of re- 
dress and justice. From these grants has proceeded that 
argument or threat of insolent admonition and court com- 
mon-place, which justifies prodigality as the only security and 
charter for the being of Parliament ; viz. 66 You have granted 
so much for ever, that if government were as frugal as you 
desire, it could do without you," says the flippancy of the 
Castle to a committee of accounts: and certainly though these 
grants were not arguments for crimes, they were strong rea- 
sons against concessions, they were strong reasons for a 
limited mutiny bill, necessary to the general principles of 
the constitution, and a specific for the weakness of our?, 
better than an increase of expence or an accumulation of 
debt, or any of those bankrupt experiments which would cure 
the mischief of giving for ever by wasting the grant, and 
which seek in the beggary of the state the powers of the con- 
stitution. But we have rejected the remedy, and have nou- 
rished and invigorated the disease ; for to an ample revenue 
independent of Parliament, and a revenue bill in a great 
measure independent of Parliament, we have added a mu- 
tiny bill independent of Parliament likewise ; a mischief 
greater than the others, added to the others, and bringing all 
the others to bear, forming this kingdom into an operative 
system, arbitrary power, a perpetual revenue, an eventual 
perpetual power of collection, and the perpetual dominion of 
the sword. 

I am the more anxious at enlarging the independency of 
the minister on the Irish Parliament, because I recollect how 
tenacious the former has been of that independency ; for he 
has strenuously endeavoured to save the hereditary revenue 
from diminution, and has felt the most lively jealousy of pub- 
lic bounties payable out of that revenue as so much taken 
from the Crown not paid by the subject, and has given 
that style in orders to those who are under him ; and in the 
last session he exerted all his influence to diminish, and did 
diminish, the bounty on the carriage of corn, to ease the per- 
petual revenue, and rescue the crown from what he seemed to 
dread, & growing dependency on the Irish parliament: also 



the minister in England, in 1770, did insert in the revenue 
bill the perpetuating clause, though it was omitted here ; from 
all which I conceive that the independence of the Crown 
in Ireland has been, at least in the contemplation of his'Ma- 
jesty's minister, as something which may be resorted to here- 
after, and which in the meantime fortifies the abuse of power, 
and intimidates the assertion of privilege. 

Nor have we only the hereditary revenue of Ireland to fear, 
but all the resources of the British nation capable of being 
employed to feed an army to enforce the laws of the British 
Parliament. I hope the liberties of this country may last 
for ever, — against the ambition of kings, — against the usurp- 
ation or the compliance of Parliaments, — against power, 
corruption, or fear, — against our enemies, — against our- 
selves. I have a confidence in the British nation, which 
makes me hope she would not agree to enforce by arms in 
this country the authority even of her own Parliament ; but 
this consideration will never justify that unwarrantable law 
which enables his Majesty to regulate and billet in Ireland 
whatever number of forces the hereditary revenue of Ireland, 
and all the aids he can get from England and elsewhere will 
sustain, to execute the worst purposes of a minister thus 
armed by the act of our Parliament, provoked by the triumphs 
of our people, and from the first an enemy to our pretensions. 

And while I speak of the liberties of Ireland diminished by 
this perpetual law, I cannot overlook those of England con- 
siderably exposed by it ; exposed by a law which, in the 
neighbourhood of the British nation, forms a military govern- 
ment, establishes an unconstitutional prerogative, and erects a 
place of arms ; so that hereafter, if the British Parliament 
should attempt to control a military prince by the power 
which she conceives is reserved by her annual mutiny bill, 
her intention may be frustrated by our law; the British 
troops, illegal in England, may be removed to Ireland, and 
kept up here against her ; the limitation of her law is repeal- 
ed in the perpetual duration of ours, its purpose is lost, and 
this island is formed into an immense barrack, to accom- 
modate the military ambition of some king in his defiance of 
the British nation, in the unconstitutional continuation, arbi- 
trary increase, and violent application of his army. The 
British nation has thought her liberty in danger, if the King, 
by his own authority, in peace, could keep up an army on one 
side the channel : will she think her liberty safe if he can do, 
of his own authority, the very same thing on the other ? 
It was not the intention of the Irish nation to endanger 
c 2 



the constitution of England; no, our object was to control 
her usurpation and secure her liberty. 

Nor will the British minister be able to prove this bill in- 
noxious to England, by stating the act of William, enlarged 
by the 9th of this reign, imposing on Ireland an army not 
exceeding ] 5,000 men : for though in the British senate the 
minister may assert the validity of such acts of power, and 
maintain the supremacy of the British Parliament to enslave 
Ireland ; yet if it were a measure to enslave England, he would 
assert his Irish prerogatives, occasionally applying the tyran- 
nical claims of one country, and the military resources of the 
other, against the liberty of both. That the Irish minister 
shall have made his peace with the British cabinet by such a 
measure, I can well imagine ; but will he ever be forgiven by 
England ? Will England be reconciled to that minister who, 
atoning for the service which Ireland has done to herself^ 
shakes a central principle of common liberty, and compen- 
sates for partial good by general evil. - 

I must also consider this perpetual mutiny bill with respect 
to the army itself, as a great hardship ; for it subjects to an 
absolute, endless, and irresponsible power, many thousand 
brave men, taken totally and for ever out of the protection of 
the common law, and delivered up to the clemency of the 
monarch, like the soldiers, not of England, but of military 
governments and absolute kings. And as the army is thus 
taken out of the protection of the common law, so may it be 
weaned from all love and affection to it ; and instead of con- 
stitutional principles, vain and empty notions inculcated, an 
extravagant spirit and zeal of obedience, a false veneration for 
power, accompanied with a contempt for the law. And 
though no attempt should be made on liberty, yet may this 
kingdom feel long and severely this bad law, in frequent in- 
sults on the civil power, in military tumults and armed out- 
rage ; events which are common in military provinces, and 
are the natural effect of a power of arms, independent of the 
legislature, resident in the state, and yet no part of the com- 
mon law, inconsistent with the genius of the constitution, 
suspicious and suspected, endless and unconfined. For what- 
ever may be the provisions of the mutiny bill, the military 
power is subordinate to the civil, because dependent on the 
legislature. It is in vain to expect the soldier made inde- 
pendent of Parliament will have any great respect for a jus- 
tice of peace. The cautionary parts of the bill which we 
have taken from England, prove how much she feared that 
instrument which we have made perpetual. We did not 




want admonition on this subject; wc hail seen many military 
excesses exhibited in this country with slight observation in- 
deed, but which in England could not have happened without 
exemplary punishment; the only shocking outrages of late 
have been committed by men bearing the King's commission. 
Our country has been a theatre of such scenes: our govern- 
ment has been a supine spectator of such practices, and has 
forwarded military disorders by barbarous mercy or unwar- 
rantable indolence, as if it was not displeased to see the army 
placed above the law by that very impunity which destroys its 
discipline. The army of Ireland has not been regulated by 
the Parliament of the country, and from thence is taught 
to conceive itself the army of another kingdom put upon 
a province, and not the forces of a nation under her law. 
This affectation, like the tumults I speak of, has been encou- 
raged by government, and is now confirmed by the law. 

1 have stated some objections to this bill, but pass over 
many : the creating crimes, courts, and punishments, without 
any express words, but by a clause of reference to illegal 
practices which obtained under the British act of mutinv 
and desertion, and which should not have received even a re- 
mote countenance from the Irish Parliament. I pass over 
this and more, but must dwell on one grand objection, which 
is, that Parliament, in passing a perpetual mutiny bill, has 
exceeded its powers. 

1 conceive that parliaments are neither eternal nor omni- 
potent; their powers are not original, but delegated, and their 
delegation is to act within the frame of the constitution, not 
to alter, still less to destroy it. I therefore conceive, that a 
perpetual mutiny bill is beyond the power of Parliament, in- 
asmuch as it creates in the Crown a perpetual legislative 
authority distinct from, and totally independent of the constitu- 
tional legislature of the realm : and I do imagine, that Par- 
liament might, with as much regard for the principles of the 
constitution, and more regard for its safety, have moulded a 
committee of either House, for certain great purposes, into a 
distinct sovereign legislature, and have armed that committee 
with a perpetual power, as have transferred the same power 
to one man. I also conceive, that Parliament lias exceeded 
its authority, not only in making one estate, and that the chief 
magistrate (who, by the genius of the constitution, has but a 
negative in the formation of laws), with respect to the army 
in all cases not affecting life or limb, a perpetual legislature; 
but in divesting for ever itself, and the people, of a great por- 
tion of their legislative authority: the House of Commons is 
but your trustee; according to tihe nature of a trust, the House 
c y 



of Commons is to exercise, not alienate, your power. A per- 
petual mutiny bill is not merely an act of pains and penalties ; 
it is not merely a law of regulation ; it is a solid grant of 
vast and summary powers from the nation at large to the 
Crown ; and a perpetual mutiny bill is a perpetual alienation 
of the powers of the kingdom at large, by octennial trustees 
incompetent to alien for ever, whether we consider the nature 
of their trust, or the limited period of their existence. It is 
therefore, I say, that in strict constitution the present mutiny 
bill expires with the present Parliament ; and the crown 
lawyers are called upon and defied to support this measure on 
any ground, by any argument drawn from any legal source, 
from practice or principle, the power of Parliament, the max- 
ims of the constitution, or the example of former time : and 1 
am the more alarmed at this measure, because, being a 
solemn surrender of a principal branch of the powers of Par- 
liament, thus by its own act, divested of its inherent attributes, 
or rather, being a partial extinction of the body itself, it is 
founded upon a principle and disposition which, if tolerated 
at all, go too far, and threaten and authorize the surrender, 
not of a part only, but of the whole of what remains to the 
Irish Parliament of legislative authority : the principle entitles 
Parliament to repeal the octennial bill ; it entitles Parliament 
to give whatever the treasury will buy or the adventurer part 
with ; it entitles Parliament to make the King absolute. 

Hereafter, when the period of the present Parliament shall 
arrive, the representatives will not give back to the people the 
power with which, for eight years only, they were entrusted ; 
they will not give you back your birthright; they will 
not give you back the British constitution. And though 
Parliament did not exercise formerly its inherent right 
to regulate the army as well as every other branch of the 
state ; and though the weakness of the kingdom furnished an 
excuse to her Parliament for omitting to claim and put forth 
its privileges, yet, until now, for this last century, we did not 
divest ourselves of any part of them, nor did Parliament 
dismember itself of its essential attributes, nor prevent the con- 
stitution from recovering itself by its own native vigour or re- 
cuperative principle. There is, I conceive, a great difference 
between the dormant powers of Parliament, and a formal sur- 
render of them ; between a right in reserve, and a right 
which is no more: neither do I think it just to draw parallels 
between what we are now, and what we were when afraid to 
assert constitution and trade — implicit under the approaches 
of impending ruin. I do not conceive that any man proposed 
to himself that Ireland should remain everlastingly a beggar 


and a slave; the nation seemed in humble expectation of some 
happy redemption — this was the time — your representatives 
are responsible to you for a great opportunity; never was a 
Parliament so favoured by the conjuncture, or so backed by 
the people. 

As soon as trade was opened, the Irish nation, conceiving 
that her associations and charter would be a reproach, if, not- 
withstanding both, she consented to be governed by laws 
which she did not make; conceiving also, that nothing in 
justice or policy, in the real or the apparent interest of Great 
Britain, stood in the way of liberty ; denied, in her different 
counties and cities, the supremacy of the British Parliament; 
and having herself asserted liberty, instructed her representa- 
tives to give to that assertion the solemnity of a law, or the 
countenance of a resolution. You saw the policy of declaring 
your sentiments, that England might see the danger of invad- 
ing, your own Parliament the safety of asserting, and all, the 
prudence of allowing rights of which an armed and chartered 
nation proclaimed herself tenacious. You proceeded in this 
great business like a serious animated nation, who entertained 
a deep sense of her privileges, and a calm determination to 
maintain them. It was not the measure of a faction, it was 
not the act of a party, but of a people, rising up like one man 
to claim their freedom ; a whole people, long depressed, and 
cruelly derided, flocking together with the most perfect order, 
and each individual, man by man, from his own lips preferring 
his right to be free ! That people ! the Irish nation, whose 
grossness, tameness, and disorder, had been a subject of 
ribaldry to themselves, to those very men of our own country, 
to whose inconstant, mean, frivolous, and venal political 
habits, you now gave the soundest lessons of constitution, and 
the brightest example of order : neither was this great act 
confined to one persuasion, but Protestant and Papist, their 
ancient animosity in such a cause subsiding, signed the same 
declaration of right ; and those whom neither time, nor se- 
verity, nor lenity, nor the penal code, nor its relaxation, had 
been able to unite, in freedom found a rapid reconciliation ; a 
certain flame rectified the humours of superstition. The time 
had arrived when the spirit of truth and liberty should descend 
upon the man of the liomish persuasion, and touch his Ca- 
tholic lips with public fire. He was tried and was found 
faithful ; he was weighed in the balance and proved sufficient: 
we have learned at last a simple, but great truth, that one 
man is like another, and that all men wish to be free. I have 
been told the Roman Catholic had no right to sign instruc- 
tions. I do not inquire into the right; I am satisfied with 
c 4 



the fact ; for the Catholic, taking a constitutional test, qualifies, 
and is, in conscience and equity, constituted a brother and 
fellow-citizen. In short, such were your measures and de- 
clarations, that I defy the most learned of your traduccrs, from 
all the store of their reading, to produce any thing comparable 
to the conduct of the Irish nation. And I will further say, 
that if it had not been you who had spoken, but the laws you 
were employed to restore ; if the law had put forth a voice 
and promulgated herself, she had not been revealed in accents 
of more truth, temper, and purity. You shook off the tyranny 
of the English ; you deterred the invasion of the French ; you 
restored the liberties of the Irish ; you gave operation to law ; 
you gave civilization to manners; you raised a drooping pro- 
vince; you humbled a saucy ministry; you compassed a 
mighty revolution ; you became a theme of public worship, 
and the subject of just and necessary thanksgiving; they who 
abhor, revered you ; nations you never heard of, spoke of you ; 
nothing was wanting but the uniform concurrence of your 
Parliament, to have placed the Irish nation on the broad 
foundation of liberty, and the summit of fame. 

In your great effort you met, however, with difficulties ; 
not from the English nation, but the Irish administration, 
who had engaged to the British minister, that Ireland, in- 
dulged in her requisition for trade, should not bethink herself 
of constitutional reformation ; and accordingly, personal ap- 
plication was made to many, hoping that they would oppose 
the discussion of all political questions in Parliament; and 
also, wherever they had property, credit, or character, would 
prevent the people from expressing their sentiments. The 
representations of our minister were to receive the colour of 
truth, by concealing the temper and state of the nation. In 
this application the Irish minister found accomplices ; by such 
the blessings of the British constitution were represented as a 
speculative good, and the loss of these blessings as a specu- 
lative evil. Attempts were made to debase and poison the 
public mind, by deterring it from questions which related to 
liberty as above comprehension and incompatible with in- 
dustry. Resolutions expressive of our entire satisfaction in 
the recent extent of trade, were proposed in the Commons, 
with a dark design to dissolve the nation's spirit, and prevent 
the recoveiy of her constitution, that so this country might 
sit down a commercial province, and not seize the opportunity 
of becoming a free kingdom : nor did such men endeavour to 
mislead your understanding only, they defamed your cha- 

The groat and glorious effort which I have just related, to 



shake off the yoke of the British Parliament, was vilified as an 
attempt to sever from the British nation, as if the connection 
was preserved by the circumstance which disgraced it, or the 
two nations were linked together like lord and vassal, and not 
united by common privilege as fellow-subjects and fellow-free- 
men. They, whose friends had been neglected, or whose cor- 
rupt and written proposals had been refused, and who, under 
that disgust, had opposed Lord Buckingham on the subject of 
commerce, now, having made up matters with the court, op- 
posed the people on the subject of liberty. They who had 
been accustomed to make private advantage of public injuries, 
and who had supported their retainers on their su If rages, bless- 
ed indeed with ample property, but, by a servile following, 
made dependent upon government, opposed the return of your 
liberty, as they had, until hurried away in the tide of 1771), 
opposed the extension of your trade. They charged your 
struggle for liberty as a design against property, a conspir- 
acy to rob the great by a pillaging commonalty ; they made 
this charge with the style and air of authority, as if property 
entitled the proprietor not only to sell himself, but to sell and 
load the public with his comrades and sycophants, and added 
consequence and consecration to such infamous traffic. They 
who hated the people from whom they had just proceeded : 
they who had little principle and no property, except your 
spoil; they who fear lest this kingdom should become too 
considerable to be bought and sold ; all those who flourish in 
a province, and would sink in a nation ; that inferior species of 
plausible character, actuated by little objects and a weak 
intellect, formed to shine in a court, but shrivel in a free 
country, fell into the same idle, insolent, conceited way of 
talking. On the other hand, they who wished to restore the 
rights of this kingdom, were represented as seditious men, 
friends to anarchy, enemies to the British nation and their 
own ; though they had no personal views, no friend, no fol- 
lowing, no mortification, no expectation, no object for these 
nations, but to free one, and endear both ; in a word, the 
whole nation was traduced in a foolish, wanton, and wicked 
address, concerted to stop her growth, and to fix her political 
distempers ; but attended with the immediate effect of rousing 
her virtue. You persisted ; and, though these obstructions 
held you out to England as a divided people, and lost you the 
terror of your name ; lost you the declaratory resolution ; lost 
you the repeal of the law of Poynings; entailed upon you the 
lesser duty on sugar, and the perpetual mutiny bill; yet, in a 
great degree, you prevailed. But, if some men of property, (I 
say, some, for the weight of property beyond comparison, was 
on your side,) had acted as they ought ; if some of them had 



not gone the last length against their country upon every 
question ; if some had been steady on any question; if some of 
them had taken as much pains to establish the British consti- 
tution as they did take to promote or translate their creatures ; 
or if they had not taken pains to keep the nation down, the 
session had been perfect ; yet, in a great degree, you prevail- 
ed ; and, having universally denied the supremacy of the Bri- 
tish Parliament, and, by your act and energy, supported by 
the individual declarations of your representatives, put an end 
to the British law of mutiny and desertion in Ireland, you 
made it necessary for the crown to apply to the Irish Parlia- 
ment for a law to regulate the army ; you revived to your own 
Parliament its inherent and dormant authority, its sole and 
exclusive right to regulate His Majesty's forces in Ireland ; 
you gave the power into the hands of your representatives, and 
they surrendered it for ever to the crown. I lament this act, 
not only on account of the constitution which we have endan- 
gered, of the power and opportunity which we have lost, but 
of the example which we have left ; for the noblest struggle 
ever made by a people to shake off tyranny, has been, in this 
instance, converted into a change of tyrants, and the British 
minister put in the place of the British Parliament. A go- 
vernment, approaching to a military one, has been imposed 
upon us by our own law ; our virtue has been turned against 
ourselves, and punished by our own Parliament; a public and 
concluding disgrace has been thrown upon our past efforts, 
and a melancholy damp cast on our future. 

There is a certain national character, there is a dignity, 
without which no people can look for respect or privilege ; a 
nation's character is her shield ; the people's majesty a sacred 
defence ; public pride a mighty protection. It is therefore I 
not only feel the constitution stabbed by this perpetual muti- 
ny bill, but see with concern other great and solid securities 
trampled upon; the maxims of public pride, of parliamentary 
consistency, and national dignity, violated ; a Parliament, the 
most respectable that ever sat in this country, made to adopt 
the dictates of the British council, and forego its own recorded 
opinions, suffering the British minister to mould our constitu- 
tion, as the British manufacturers have been suffered to regu- 
late our commerce ; the nation itself involved and scandalized 
in the compliance of her legislature, and exhibited to Great 
Britain as a vain boaster ; a certain ridicule cast upon her de- 
clarations, exertions, and arms ; and the British minister 
taught by ourselves to repent of past concessions, and encou- 
raged for the future to make a bold and unconstitutional stand 
against the just desires and obvious rights of the Irish nation. 



I have heard it urged as an excuse for this pernicious and 
disgraceful measure, that it was a matter of necessity. A mu- 
tiny bill was necessary : you made it necessary ; but the ne- 
cessity lay on the king, not on his people. You did not want 
an army to defend your lives and properties ; you did not want 
an army to support your claims ; you did not want an army to 
give protection and confidence to your servants ; you were 
yourselves an army adequate to all your own purposes ; your 
safety reposed with your liberty, where both ought ever to re- 
side, in the nation's right hand. It was His Majesty, whose 
power, influence, servants, pride, attachment, all were in that 
great question involved. You had the key to the royal heart ; 
the instrument of power was in your hand ; the Crown was a 
suppliant to the Irish nation, not for revenue, but for what 
princes value more, the army ; and must have taken it, as the 
King takes his revenue, and took his crown, upon the terms 
which his subjects, in their wisdom, were pleased to ordain ; 
and had your Parliament chosen to have annexed the great 
charter which they who formed the bill, knowing the House, 
prudently declined ; but had your Parliament chosen to have 
annexed the great charter to the mutiny bill, the British mi- 
nister must have finally complied ; his own bayonet would 
have forced Magna Charts upon him, and standing armies, in 
general hostile to liberty, might have been rendered the invo- 
luntary and miraculous instrument of its establishment. Never 
did a nation stand so entrenched ; never was a post of strength 
so lost ! Do not believe that vulgar threat, that the king would 
have disbanded 1 1 i ^ army; arguments of this kind are not to 
be listened to, nor are those in earnest who resort to them ; 
nor should the ministers of kings be suffered to tell the sub- 
jects of this country that His Majesty Kill not permit his Irish 
Parliament, like that of Great Britain, from time to time, to 
regulate its own military establishment; or, that His Majesty 
Kill not receive great and unconstitutional powers, such as a li- 
mited mutiny bill communicates, except upon terms more 
extraordinary and more unconstitutional : as well might the 
minister ask for absolute power, and denounce, on the hesita- 
tion of Parliament, an abdication of the crown. But this ar- 
gument was not founded on the firmness of the minister by 
whom it was invented, but in the folly or the corruption of 
those to whom it was applied. The mutiny bill was not made 
perpetual because the British minister would not take a limit- 
ed, but because the Irish Parliament was known to be ready 
to give him a perpetual, dominion over the army ; the minister 
would have been satisfied with a good bill, but preferred a bad 
one ; the attack on your liberty had never been made, if the 



surrender had not been previously and clandestinely cove- 
nanted ; it was not a determined minister, but a willing Par- 

I have heard that the bill, though perpetual, is a benefit, 
because it carries the principle, viz. that the King, Lords, and 
Commons, are the only body competent to make law for Ire- 
land. Parliament might have declared that principle; but 
this bill does not declare it by express words or necessary 
construction, or concomitant circumstances. The principle 
to the extent of this kingdom was carried before, and being 
once established here, carried itself in Great Britain, unless 
we gave the Crown a power of shaking this principle by arms: 
the bill coming back under the seal of Great Britain, had the 
assent of the Crown to whatever proposition it contained. If 
the House of Commons had sought an argument in support 
of liberty, they should have passed the express declaration of 
rights ; if they looked to solid strength, they should have kept 
the army dependent upon themselves, they should have acted 
upon a principle that could be reconciled to theory or prac- 
tice; they should not, upon any ground either of argumentative 
or actual security, have declined a declaration of right, and 
afterward surrender the dominion of the sword ; adopting 
a line of conduct far below firmness, and above caution ; 
arming without fear, by a perpetual mutiny bill, that very 
power which they had trembled to provoke by an assertion of 
their liberty. 

The objection preferred against a declaration of right was, 
that a nation's liberty could not be determined by the words 
of the House of Commons, but the powers of the country ; 
had the declaration weakened her power, though it asserted 
her liberty, the passing it had been inexpedient, and therefore 
a perpetual mutiny bill, not asserting in any terms the right, 
and in the most full and effectual terms diminishing the 
power, of the country, was upon no principle to be justified, 
neither by the arguments of those who supported a declaration 
of right, nor of the men who opposed it. That we have got- 
ten free from all the laws of the British Parliament by the 
mutiny bill, I deny ; for the post-office remains. That we 
have gotten free from the insult, I deny; for Ireland is named 
in the new British act.* That we have gotten free from the 
exercise of the British mutiny bill by our own, I deny; for 
the British act has expired in our determination to disobey it. 

* When this was written, it had been determined by the British ministry 
in the present English mutiny bill, to name Ireland ; which determination, 
upon reconsideration since the publication of this pamphlet, after a debate 
in council, was altered. 



Our situation, vigour, and spirit, was such, at that particular 
time, that nothing could have injured us, but our own laws, 
nor have disgraced us, but our own Parliament. Nor let the 
nation deceive itself so much as to think that the British mi- 
nister, who has sent us a perpetual bill, admits the liberty of 
Ireland. No ! he is an enemy to your liberty : he thinks, 
that the British Parliament by its laws, the King by his pre- 
rogative, that each and both, can make articles of war for this 
country ; and, therefore, he has made the bill perpetual, that 
the Irish Parliament may never again attempt to exercise what 
in his opinion better belongs to others, the power of regulating 
his Majesty's forces. It was impossible to prevent the just 
claims of the Irish nation : the minister who denied, could do 
no more than get rid of them for ever; and, accordingly, has 
annexed a clause of surrender to the very law in which those 
claims were advanced, saving his own pretensions and re- 
buking yours: he has striken the nation in the flight of her 

£ lor > r ' 

I have heard it urged in mitigation of the mischief of this 
law, that notwithstanding this law, His Majesty cannot keep up 
his army without the express consent of Parliament, given 
from session to session. I have said so ; I think also, that His 
Majesty cannot charge his hereditary revenue with pensions. 
But I see, though these are points of law, they are not posts 
of strength : the perpetual nature of the laws of which we 
speak and complain, — those dangerous laws which give the 
King the purse, and that disgraceful law which gives him the 
sword, — enables him to misapply both ; to waste your trea- 
sure, and keep up your army without the control of Parlia- 
ment. The latter law, the mutiny bill, I conceive, by this 
argument, not proved to be safe, but rendered cruel and 
absurd ; for it is a statute at variance with the common law, a 
statute making it capital at all times to desert the army, which 
is at no time legal without the consent of Parliament; and which 
may thus be kept together by force to be fed by rapine. And 
here I cannot but observe, that this argument did not occur 
before, but was invented for the occasion ; and is a despicable 
apology and poor point of law to the observance of which we 
have annexed the penalty of death, giving up solid strength, 
and hanging on such perilous, speculative, and fantastic se- 
curity, the vast and weighty charge of public liberty. France, 
Spain, kingdoms that have no liberty, I dare say, have similar 
points of law : but the ear of a military government will not 
listen to such things, they are the sad devices of an infamous 
c ause, and the last gaspiugs of exhausted argument ; they are 
only of weight when the people have reserved a solid strength 



which makes such arguments unnecessary ; they are fortresses 
to which no man would retire, but he who was determined to 

I have heard it said that the army is imperial in its na- 
ture, and therefore that no part of it should be left to the 
Irish Parliament for its regulation : but this proposition wants 
truth in its premise, and is false and absurd in its consequence. 
The army is not imperial, the constitution does not conceive 
an empire, neither is it founded upon maxims imperial or mili- 
tary. The law of England which establishes the army makes 
it parliamentary, not imperial ; the law of Ireland which pro- 
vides for the army, makes it an Irish, not an imperial army. 
The premise therefore is false, the conclusion is false and ab- 
surd ; for if the premise were true, it would conclude, not for 
a perpetual, but against any Irish mutiny bill ; for the Eng- 
lish mutiny bill; for the supremacy of the British Parliament. 

This argument, thus founded on an ignorance of the con- 
stitution in general, and of the establishment of the army in 
particular, and leading to the entire destruction of our liber- 
ty, has sought for strength in another argument equally 
feeble ; viz. " That unity of discipline is necessary, and that 
therefore the army in every part of the dominions should be 
subject to one power." But this observation proceeds from 
an ignorance of the service, as the other was derived from an 
ignorance of the constitution. Unity of discipline is not ne- 
cessary ; it is not the case of armies in actual service ; it is 
not the case of the army now in America ; it was not the case 
of the allied army in the last war in Germany ; neither is 
unity of command necessary to establish unity of discipline ; 
neither does the perpetual mutiny bill establish unity of com- 
mand. Moreover, if unity of discipline is necessary, we are 
not to suppose that the Irish Parliament will not secure it, by 
adopting the English military code ; we are not to suppose 
our Parliament inadequate to the wholesome exercise of its 
authority over every branch of the establishment, military as 
well as civil ; neither are we to conceive the Crown incapable 
of abusing, and the Parliament incapable of using an im- 
portant article of legislative power ; neither having trespassed 
upon the common law to admit an army, are we to commit 
further and indefinite depredations to establish unity of com- 
mand, under the quaint pretence of securing unity of disci- 
pline. But the perpetual mutiny bill does neither. It does 
not establish unity of command ; and it endangers unity and 
equality of discipline, by making the principal articles of war 
perpetual in Ireland, which are annual in Great Britain ; by 
establishing an army here of a distinct nature, and military 


3 J 

powers in the Crown of a different extent and duration from 
what was ever attempted or would be endured in Great Bri- 
tain. Imperial armies, imperial legislatures, imperial unities, 
are terms, in my mind, of very little meaning; they are the 
vanities of the British Court, harassing the connections of 
the British nation; unconscious of limit, subversive of liber- 
ty, and a stranger to the law ; in their theory, they are in- 
sult, and in their application, war. 

I have heard it suggested that the mischief of a perpetual 
mutiny bill exi>t> in speculation only ; but I cannot think 
so, no more than I could think that any political question, 
any constitutional injury, a total instead of a partial loss of 
liberty, was an evil in speculation only - a measure which 
changes the balance of the constitution to the side of power, 
and throws into the scale of the monarch the perpetual dead 
weight of the sword, is not a speculative evil, to any mind 
except to those to whom the blessing of a free constitution 
is a visionary good. But in political as in moral depravity, 
the slave, like the sinner, will not sec his crime until he feels 
his punishment, and smarts under the lash either of the ty- 
rant or the law. In this constitution every diminution of the 
power of the people is an actual evil ; every increase of the 
power of the Crown is an actual evil. An injury in specula- 
tion is a measure neutral in itself, but dangerous in its ten- 
dency. The perpetual and unbounded grant of the power of 
the sword is not the evil tendency, but the actual evil ; — that 
from this evil more will ensue, and that a military govern- 
ment will be used to establish an absolute one, is, I do ac- 
knowledge, a speculation, but by no means absurd, because 
the thing did happen. James II. in the last century did en- 
deavour to make himself absolute, by assuming of his own 
authority that very power which we have now given the So- 
vereign a perpetual law to exercise: he kept together by mar- 
tial law an army of 30,000, paid by his civil list : an English 
army, however ready they may be found to enforce the supre- 
macy, were at that time reluctant to destroy the liberty of 
the British nation. To guard against a similar attempt, the 
declaration of right sets forth, that standing armies and mar- 
tial law, in peace, without the consent of Parliament, are il- 
legal ; — meaning the consent of Parliament from time to 
time, of the then existing Parliament, who seeing the use 
which His Majesty makes of his army, may give their consent 
or withhold it. We are blessed if not benefited by experi- 

I know very well, that in political questions,^ arguments 
unanswerable, founded in the obvious nature of the question, 



when by a certain set of politicians, they arc not treated as 
factious, will be derided as visionary : for men long lost in 
the service of a court, do not choose to consider the conse- 
quence or the spring of their own action ; their conscience 
informs their capacity that sufficient for the day is the crime 
and corruption thereof. Such men, for a very vicious con- 
duct, have an apparent retreat in a very bad understanding : 
but it has been by a different way of thinking, that liberty 
still exists in England, when in almost every other quarter of 
the globe she has perished, and that the British constitution 
survives in a world of slavery — owing I suppose to a perpetual 
vigilance, an English instinct, an unremitting jealousy, an 
apprehensive people, wherever a stab was given certain to 
gather about the wound, active on the frontier of privilege, 
and banking out oppression as the Hollander banks out the 
sea. Such formerly was the conduct of England, such ought 
to be now the conduct of Ireland ; for of all nations she has 
most reason to be apprehensive about her liberty, because it 
is but this moment rescued ; it is but just recovered from the 
supremacy of the British Parliament, and it was within a cast 
of being surrendered by the compliance of our own : a pro- 
posal was made not many years ago, to grant a money bill 
ibr an immense period, and rejected by the accident of one 
majority : the danger to Irish liberty therefore is not vision- 
ary : no, her escape is miraculous ! 

I have heard it said that the mutiny bill is safe, because 
the king will not make a direct attack upon the rights of his 
people ; but there are other ways of invading liberty besides 
open and direct hostility ; great powers given to the Crown, 
such as we have given, a perpetual and encreasing revenue, 
with a law to collect it of eventual perpetuity, accompanied 
with the perpetual and unbounded power of the sword, may in 
a course of time make the chief magistrate so very strong, that 
the subject will be afraid to oppose him : in such a posture of 
strength and weakness a nation capitulates without a blow, 
all her strong posts are taken, revenue, army, purse, and 
sword. The question does not come to a trial ; they who would 
not make a constitutional resistance to the first encroachment, 
will not be called upon to make a treacherous stand against 
the last act of power : their country will never know how 
little such men are to be depended upon : the king in such a 
case need not resort to arms ; his solid strength operates with- 
out being put forth, and is an occult cause influencing and 
depressing the motions and spirit of parliament and people. 
The subject feels at a distance an accumulated weight of 
power coming against him, and by instinct retires. 



What else was it which, until 1779, made the people of Ire- 
land, with all the privileges of the British nation, afraid to 
resort to the benefit of their own laws ? What but an evident 
superior strength arrayed against them ? What else was it 
which, in 1779s made the Parliament and people struggle for 
their birthright ? What, but that occult cause, a conscious 
strength, an inward security, an armed people ? This sur- 
prising change never came to a contest ; the nation recovered 
her liberty with as much tranquillity as she had lost it. The 
volunteers never attempted force; no, but they stood by, 
giving a silent confidence to liberty, as an independent army 
if these volunteers disperse, will give a silent confidence to 

Nor is liberty only endangered by the sudden irruption and 
silent growth of power, but by the fears and resentment of 
corruption, — when the venal man trembles for his safety and 
is inflamed at his own infamy, and hating and hateful to his 
country, disables her resentment by destroying her liberty ; 
slavery, like death, approaches in many shapes, and should 
be guarded against in all. 

A measure unconstitutional and corrupt may be adopted 
by Parliament, at a time when the expectation, pulse, and 
spirit of the nation are high. Inflamed at such a conduct, 
the people may fall into a violent method of expressing a just 
indignation, and may disclaim that majority which assented 
to a measure conceived to be destructive. This majority, or 
many of them, lost in public estimation, conscious of public 
detestation, supported by public money, afraid of responsi- 
bility, careless of liberty, shocked at popular enormities, and 
full of an aristocratic impatience of the growth and conse- 
quence of the people, may apply to the Crown for protection 
and revenge. And thus a venal set of men, prostituted for 
hire, and furious for punishment, who at first only meant a 
corrupt vote, having once kindled the people, fortify them- 
selves by an accumulation of crimes, and having given the 
king an unconstitutional power for money, give him absolute 
power for protection ; the political degrees are natural and 
rapid, — from perished principle to execrated character, and 
so on to the last act of despotism and despair, the headlong 
tribe precipitate, and avenge the reputation they have lost 
upon the liberties they have left. 

This may be the case ; for something like the seeds of this 
has been the case. The sugar and mutiny bills had received 
the fullest consideration ever given to any public question ; 
and after the nation had obtained in each, a victory over her 
administration, they were transmitted to England with a zeal 




approaching to transport. They were returned, both altered ; 
one alteration made a dangerous change in the constitution ; 
the other was an indirect detraction from the free trade, and 
a direct infraction of the privilege of the Commons ; both were 
attended with a public affront, and both were adopted by Par- 
liament ; that very Parliament whose privileges these altera- 
tions invaded, whose powers they diminished, whose sense 
they superseded, and whose pretensions they insulted. The 
nation had been tempered too high to bear this with silent sub- 
mission ; that Parliament which now sunk itself, had before 
raised the spirit of the people. There is in this country an 
intelligent public : men who do not understand constitution 
like a crown lawyer, nor equalization duties like a custom-house 
clerk, can yet discern the honest sense of every great question, 
and have a lively and uncorrupted feeling of a national insult. 
The truth was, that every man in this kingdom understood 
the motives, and felt the final conduct of Parliament ; the 
whole nation felt it ; she felt it as a mortification to her pride, 
a blast to her expectations, a blow affecting her from metro- 
polis to the last and remotest line of her associations, electri- 
fying her radically and universally from centre to circumfer- 

Some of the volunteer corps express this general disgust by 
the warmest resolutions ; they discover the generous indigna- 
tion of independent citizens, and express that indignation in 
the unguarded language of soldiers. They who never deserted 
Parliament until she deserted herself, charge the majority with 
having upon these questions betrayed their country. It was 
a great charge ; let me add, it was a great crime. Alarmed 
at these proceedings, the administration, who, by influencing, 
had separated and detached Parliament from the volunteers, 
summon their friends to a private meeting, assembled to main- 
tain the dignity of the legislature by the dependants of the 
castle. At this contemptible gathering it was agreed to take 
notice of the above resolutions, in both Houses. That Par- 
liament who had been corrupted to perpetuate the army of 
the King, are now instigated to punish the army of the people.* 
A motion is made to address His Excellency to order a prose- 
cution. That House of Commons, whose dignity was never 
entirely lost until the administration were petitioned to de- 
fend it, who had been, until the court cashiered it, the head 
of the nation's army ; that House of Commons who had 

* Probably this motion was not then seen in all its consequences ; cer- 
tainly not by the person who seconded it, — a young nobleman of great 
spirit, integrity, and sense. 


brought to the residence of the Lord Lieutenant, the volun- 
teers as their guard, and astonished him in his own castle, now 
becomes an humble petitioner to that very Viceroy, to punish 
those very volunteer corps, who were by the inconsistency of 
Parliament, in the course of one session, the subject of its 
thanks, the partners of its triumph, and the object of its pro- 
secution ! 

Fortunately for the kingdom, but most ignominiously for 
Parliament, the ministry who prompted their address did not 
pay it the smallest attention. This unnatural contest has 
ceased ; privilege is authority, and authority is character. The 
privilege of the Commons is the privilege of the people, 
in the persons of their representatives and servants ; not a 
shield against the nation's sentiments, nor a scourge to punish 
her discussion. The Commons, therefore, did not rely on the 
breach of privilege, but addressed His Excellency to prose- 
cute ; and His Excellency stopped because he could not pro- 
ceed. An army is too numerous for a prosecution, and the 
country too free for a proscription. Moreover, it must be ft 
great object to the minister who carried such a measure as the 
mutiny bill, to establish a mutual amnesty ; information for- 
gotten on the part of the court, constitution on the part of the 
people. But, though the volunteers cannot be prosecuted, yet, 
if they were not more numerous and more united than court 
agitators could wish, I do believe they would be dispersed, and 
that the merchants, and the other high-spirited, obnoxious 
corps, would never have been suffered to associate again at a 
review, by a government, armed, as our's now is, with a perpe- 
tual power of the sword, and prompted by the address of both 
Houses of Parliament ; so little do men, who make an en- 
croachment on public liberty, know to what length they will 
proceed, when hurried on in a contest, and obliged to defend 
the dignity of doing wrong by the guilt of doing worse. 

I have stated the principal arguments in palliation of the 
mutiny bill, and their answers. 

If any thing could aggravate such a measure, it is the con- 
sideration that the motive was as profligate as the law was mis- 
chievous ; and that this bill has been accompanied, as it was 
produced, by a most profuse application of honours, and a 
faithless application of money. We have seen its conscientious 
supporters paid for their vote, either in their own person or in 
that of their friends, or publickly balked when they expected to 
be bribed. The House of Commons was actually canvassed, 
and men, desperate from corruption, were solicited once more 
into their original state of mendicant importunity. Places, 
pensions, promises, ready money, the whole mystery of ec- 
d 2 % 


clesiastical patronage, all, like the faith of the Lord Lieuten- 
ant, were prostituted on this, occasion. That this trade should 
have taken place under Lord Buckingham's administration, I 
did not expect j for, I remember, when his secretary made the 
following engagement, after Christmas, in 1778, when a mo- 
tion was made to resolve to address His Excellency, to know 
whether he had any powers, and how far they extended, to 
diminish the pension list, the secretary rose and made the fol- 
lowing specific declaration : — " That no new place nor addi- 
tional salary was to be created, and that no new pension was 
to be added, except in the instance of one of the royal family, 
or a judge desirous to retire ; and further, that the list as pen- 
sions dropt was not to be supplied." 

In consequence of this solemn official engagement, the mo- 
tion was withdrawn. The departure from this engagement, 
the creation of additional salaries and pensions, must embar- 
rass the advocate for the inviolable purity of Lord Bucking- 
ham's administration ; and I do believe nothing could have 
induced his Lordship to forget his word, if orders had not 
come from the British cabinet, at any expense, to carry the 
perpetual mutiny bill, and to break and corrupt the spirit of 
Ireland, as the best means whereby His Excellency could ob- 
tain forgiveness for the benefits which the Irish nation had 
obtained for herself. But, though these orders were positive, 
I cannot see any excuse for obeying them. We live in a land 
of liberty. His Majesty cannot, in this kingdom, order a sub- 
ject to violate a public promise ; the meanest peasant can de- 
fend his faith against the commands of his sovereign. The 
King could not disgrace Lord Buckingham, if, previously, he 
had not disgraced himself. 

As Lord Buckingham stood bound to Ireland, an order to 
increase a salary or add a pension, was an attack upon his 
personal integrity, amounting to an insolent revocation of his 
commission. Had His Excellency, instead of pressing, by all 
the power of faithless engagement, the perpetual mutiny bill, 
pleaded his honour, he would have made a respectable retreat, 
and would have stood on the ground of our character and his 
own ; but, unfortunately for both, for his credit and our con- 
stitution, he carried the perpetual mutiny bill, and taught the 
British minister to despise the Irish Parliament, and to repro- 
bate that chief governor, who had so long and ineffectually 
dallied with its virtue. Instead of being thanked for the vic- 
tory obtained, he became responsible for the mischief he had 
omitted. All our virtues were stated against him ; and at the 
same time that he exposed himself to the charge of past imbe- 
cillity, he has exposed us and our societies to a future plan of 



vigorous operation. But though the concluding part of his 
administration is exceptionable, the period for which he suffers 
in the cabinet is to be admired, not censured. He saw this 
kingdom threatened by a foreign enemy, and felt the inca- 
pacity of the state to defend her ; he therefore distributed 
arms among the people to secure the Irish nation to the Bri- 
tish crown. He found the treasury empty, and the people 
begging; he did not inflame hunger to frenzy, by attempting 
to apply an exhausted exchequer to prevent the trade of a 
famished people ; he did not conceive the loyal armaments of 
the Irish nation, rebellious associations; he was not a spy on 
our armed societies ; he did not despise moderation ; he was 
carried away in the tide of the times along the stream of your 
prosperity. His government seemed to partake of the triumphs 
of the people, and the non-resistance of the state secured its 
tranquillity ; his virtue ceased where his action began. His 
character was formed upon his defeats, and undone by his 
victories. Pure in his own person ; with respect to his con- 
nexions, pure and inexorable ; with respect to Ireland, in the 
earlier part of his administration, innoxious, and to the Bri- 
tish cabinet odious ; he sought, by concluding corruptly, a 
return to the bosom of the court, and found the Viceroy was 
unpardonable in the acquisitions of the people. 

I lament his ill treatment, because it proceeds from an 
alienation to the country that flourished under him. He has 
lost the countenance of the British Court on account of your 
address for trade, your short money bill, and above all, the 
growth of the armed societies, and the thanks of both Houses 
of Parliament. 

His departure, accordingly, is marked with circumstances 
of public tenderness. The nation softens; there is a gene- 
rosity in a free people which far exceeds the measure of scru- 
pulous justice. To be injured under the supposition of being 
a public benefactor, is a claim to their protection. Distinct 
from any positive merit, Lord Buckingham excites a passion 
in his favour approaching to love ; we feel our cause com- 
bined with his fortunes; the shield of the nation rises up to 
encompass and protect him, and we follow him with sympathy 
to the verge of the island. 

A new administration succeeds, which the expense of go- 
vernment and the growth of debt have put for the present in 
the power of Parliament. Hereafter it may be otherwise, 
when, from commerce and peace, the revenues shall increase : 
and, as a profuse establishment puts an administration in the 
power of Parliament, so an approaching election puts Parlia- 
ment in the power of the people. The resources of the con^ 
d 3 



stitution, even as we have mangled it, arc many, — adequate 
to the redress of all grievances by measures lenient and legal. 
You are the great creative radical part of the constitution ; 
the source of the nation's vigour, and the seat of her soul : 
King, Lords, and Commons stand upon your base : you form, 
and may reform, Parliament. A list of measures, a general 
qualification, an elective creed to be tendered to every candi- 
date, would extort national conditions from corruption itself. 
But, unless the nation shall be previously concerted and co- 
venanted, she will be surprised by a dissolution, and a general 
election will be a radical defeat. 

Let the power of binding Ireland by the British Parliament 
be utterly and for ever abolished and abjured, that there may 
be no seed of jealousy between the two nations, on whose 
heart-felt coalition their mutual happiness depends, that offi- 
cious men may not traduce one country to the other, and 
that a future minister may not proceed, as in the instance of 
America, on the reserved principle of supremacy, and, un- 
able to govern either country, embroil both. Let the power 
of the crown to alter, and of the Irish council to alter and 
suppress our bills, a power useless to His Majesty, opprobri- 
ous to his subjects, and founded on misconstruction of law, be 
relinquished ; let the mutiny bill be here, as in England, de- 
pendent on Parliament, — let the judges be here, as in 
England, independent of the Crown, — that the mouth of the 
law may not be the will of power, nor the sword her instru- 

These are the principal constitutional amendments. But 
should the British minister trample down America, and be- 
come haughty to Ireland ; if instead of new, necessary, and 
humble acquisition, a blow is meditated, let me conjure you, 
in order to keep what you have gotten already, to preserve 
your armed associations. I will conclude by appealing to them. 

The Irish constitution, commerce, and pride, with you be- 
gan, and with you they would vanish. Until Britain is re- 
conciled to our participation of trade, — while the British 
Parliament claims a right to take that trade away and make 
law for Ireland, — - you are the great charter of the Irish na- 
tion, our efficient cause, and final hope. Prompted by you, 
we have conceived a vast image of our own greatness, — 
prompted by you, we have spoken definitively to Great Bri- 
tain, and, astonishing her pride and awakening her justice, 
have stated in one. sentence the provocation of a century. 
Obnoxious for that virtue, you are to confirm your advocates, 
the objects of hatred and estimation, and to preserve your as- 
sociations, the dreaded instrument of national deliverance. 



Believe me, you have many enemies : you are to guard 
against false friends and natural foes; against the weakness 
of human nature and the depravity of man ; against sloth ; 
against security; against administration; against a militia. 
What ! are we to go back to the days of confusion and power ; 
— when the kingdom was lawless, and the trooper was the 
magistrate, and no act was executed but acts of the British 
Parliament ! I have heard your legality disputed. Conscious 
as I am that no law prohibits the subject to arm, convinced as 
I am of your legality, I conceive that question to be lost in 
the immensity of your numbers. And with the pomp, and 
power, and trade, and all that train which await your pro- 
gress, I shall not stop your army to ask, What law has made 
you ? Sufficient that there is no law against you ; sufficient 
that without you there would be neither law nor liberty. Go 
on and prosper, thou sword of justice and shield of freedom ! 
the living source of an ancient flame, — the foundation of our 
pride, a providential interposition, — an army enriching the 
land with industry, costing the state nothing, adequate to all 
her enemies, and greater than all her revenues could pay, — 
awful indeed to the tyrant, but to a just prince unconquerable 
strength. The custody of the nation's character is in your 
hands. Go on, and multiply, and add immortal security to 
the Cause of your Country ! 

d 4 



I thank you for past favours; I have found in you a kind 
and a gracious master ; you have found in me an unprofitable 
servant: under that impression, 1 beg to assure you, that so 
long as the present state of representation in the Com- 
mons House continues, so long mnst I respectfully decline the 
honour of soliciting, at your hands, a seat in that assembly. 

On this principle it was I withdrew from Parliament, 
together with those with whom I act ; and I now exercise my 
privilege, and discharge my duty in communicating with my 
constituents, at the eve of a general election, some say an 
immediate dissolution, when I am to render back a trust, 
which, until parliament shall be reformed, I do not aspire to 
re-assume. The account of the most material parts of my 
conduct, together with the reason of my resolution, will be 
the subject of this letter. 

When I speak of my conduct, I mean that adopted in 
common and in concert with the other gentlemen. We should 
have felt ourselves deficient in duty if we had not made one 
effort before the close of the parliament, for the restoration 
of domestic peace, by the only means by which it seemed at- 
tainable, conciliation; and if we had not submitted our 
opinions, however fallible, and our anxieties, however insig- 
nificant, on a subject which in its existence shook your state, 
and in its consequences must shake the empire. Our opinion 
was, that the origin of the evil, the source of the discontent, 
and the parent of the disturbance, was to be traced to an ill- 
starred and destructive endeavour, on the part of the minister 
of the crown, to give to the monarch a power which the con- 
stitution never intended : to render the king in parliament 
every thing, and the people nothing, and to work the people 
completely out of the House of Commons, and, in their place 
to seat and establish the chief magistrate absolute and irres- 
istible ; it appeared to us that a ministry, guilty of such a 
crime, is as much a traitor to the constitution as the people 



would be to the king if they should advance in arms, and 
place their leader on the throne; more guilty of treason in 
equity and justice ; because in them it would be only rebellion 
against their creature, the king: but in the other it would be 
rebellion against his creator, the people: it occurred to us, 
that in this country the offence would be still higher, because 
in this country, it would be the introduction not only of a 
despotic, but of a foreign yoke, and the revival of that great 
question, which, in 1/82, agitated this country, and which, 
till your parliament shall be reformed, must agitate this coun- 
try for ever. We thought no Irishman ; we were sure no 
honest Irishman would ever be in heart with government, so 
long as the parliament of this country shall be influenced by 
the cabinet of England, and were convinced that the people 
would not be the more reconciled to a foreign yoke, because 
reimposed by the help of their own countrymen ; as long as 
they think this to be the case, we were convinced they will 
hate the administration, and the administration will hate them ; 
on this principle we recollected the parliament of this country 
pledged their lives and fortunes in 17S2, though some seem 
to have thought better of it since, and are ready to pledge 
their lives and fortunes against this principle. We could not 
seriously believe, that the people of Ireland were ready to re- 
sist the legislative usurpation of the British parliament, in 
w hose station the greatness of the tyrant would have qualified 
the condition of the slave ; and that the same people were 
now ready to prostrate themselves to the legislative usurpation 
of another body, a British cabinet ; a humiliated and a tame 
tyrant. We recollected to have heard, that the friends of 
ministry had lamented that England had not acceded to the 
American claim of exclusive legislature, and afterward attempt- 
ed to re-establish British dominion, by influencing the Ameri- 
can assembly. We saw the ministry pursue that very plan 
toward Ireland which they regretted they had not resorted to 
in the case of America. We need not repeat the particulars ; 
but we saw the result to be on the mind of the people a deep 
rooted and established discontent and jealousy, and we con- 
ceived that whatever conspiracies existed in any extent or 
degree, proceeded from that original and parent conspiracy 
in the minister to subvert the parliamentary constitution by 
the influence of the crown. It appeared to us, that the dis- 
content and disturbance so created, was greatly encreased by 
another cause, the treatment of his Majesties Catholic sub- 

It is the business of the minister to observe the changes in 
the national spirit, as much as the changes of foreign com- 


binations ; it was the misfortune of our ministry that they 
never attended to those changes; they did not perceive that 
the religious principle and temper, as well as the political, 
had undergone on the continent, in America, and in Ireland, 
a fundamental alteration ; that the example of America had 
had prodigious effect on Europe ; the example and doctrine 
of Europe had had no effect on America ; they did not see 
that in consequence of that cause (there were other causes 
also) the Irish Catholic of 1792 did not bear the smallest re- 
semblance to the Irish Catholic of 1692 ; that the influence 
of Pope, Priest, and Pretender, were at an end. — Other dan- 
gers, and other influences might have arisen ; new objects and 
new passions ; the mind of the people is never stationary ; the 
mind of courts is often stagnant; but those new dangers were 
to be provided against in a manner very different from the 
provisions made against the old. Indeed, the continuation of 
the old system of safety approximated and secured the new 
danger ; unfortunately our ministers did not think so ; they 
thought, they said, that the Irish Catholic, notwithstanding 
the American Revolution, notwithstanding the French Revo- 
lution, religious as well as political, was still the bigot of the 
last century ; that, with respect to him, the age had stood still ; 
that he was not impressed with the new spirit of liberty, but 
still moped under the old spirit of bigotry, and ruminated on 
the triumph of the cross, the power of Catholic hierarchy, the 
riches of the Catholic clergy, and the splendor of the Catholic 
church. You will find the speeches of the Catholic opponents^ 
particularly the ministerial declaimers, dream on in thismanner; 
and you will find, from the publications of those speeches, 
and of the Catholics, that the latter had laid aside their pre- 
judices, but that the ministers had not. And one of the 
causes why those ministers alleged that Catholic mind had 
not advanced was, that their own mind had stood still ; the 
state was the bigot, and the people, the philosopher. The 
progress of the human mind, in the course of the last twenty- 
five years, has been prodigious in Ireland. I remember when 
there scarcely appeared a publication in a newspaper of any 
degree of merit which was not traced to some person of note, 
on the part of government or the opposition; but now a 
multitude of very powerful publications appear from authors 
entirely unknown, of profound and spirited investigation. 
There was a time when all learning in Europe was confined 
to the. clergy ; it then advanced among the higher orders of 
the laity, and now it has gone among the people. And, when 
once the powers of intellect are possessed by the great body 
of the nation, it is madness to hope to impose on that nation 



civil or religious oppression, particularly in those whose un- 
derstandings have been stationary, though their power and 
riches have been progressive. The politics of the castle, with 
the religious feuds of Ireland, had occupied and engrossed 
their mind ; the eye of that mind, or their intellectual vision, 
had become, of course, subtle indeed, but extremely little ; on 
the other hand, the politics of Europe and America had oc- 
cupied the mind of the people ; and, therefore, the mind of 
the people had become comprehensive ; and when the former 
complained of the press, they complained of the superiority of 
the popular understanding. It appeared to us, that the best 
remedy was to raise the understanding of the great by en- 
larging the sphere of its actions, viz. reforming the Parlia- 

But, to return. The ministry, however, thought proper to 
persist in hostility to the Catholic body, on a false supposition 
of its bigotry. The consequence of such an attempt was, that 
the great body of the Catholics, I mean that part the most po- 
pular anil energetic, disappointed, suspected, reviled, and 
wearied, united with that other great body of the reformers, 
and formed a Catholic, Presbyterian, and Protestant league, 
for the freedom of the religion, and the free and full repre- 
sentation of the people. Out of this league a new political 
religion arose, superseding, in political matter, all influence 
of priest and parson, and burying for ever theological discord 
in the love of civil and political liberty. This is at present, 
in all political matters, the Irish religion. What is the Irish 
religion ? Unanimity against despotism. Viewing the state 
of the country in this light, it appeared to us that the uncon- 
stitutional influence of the Crown, and the proscription of the 
Catholics, were the fundamental causes of our discontent and 
jealousy. With these there existed other discontents distinct 
from these causes, without these causes insignificant, but, with 
these causes, creating great agitation and disturbance. 

Two remedies occurred, coercion and conciliation ; we op- 
posed the former, and we proposed the latter. I will trouble 
you with our reasons : We considered the system of coercion 
would, in the first instance, destroy the liberty of the people ; 
and, in the second instance, would subvert the authority and 
powers of government. Here I beg to recur to what I have 
just observed, on the necessity for those who administer a 
country, to advert to the changes that take place in the tem- 
per and understanding of the people. Unfortunately the 
ministry provided, for the purpose of making the people quiet 
and contented, a system of laws and proclamations, which, had 
they been quiet before, would have rendered them distracted, 



I need not repeat them ; we all know them ; we had the 
barren office of giving a fruitless opposition ; we saw a 
spirit of reform had gone forth ; it had conquered in America; 
it had conquered in France; both here and in England it 
existed, and was chiefly nourished and propagated by the 
abuses of our government. It appeared to us, that the best 
way of starving that spirit was, to remove its food ; far other- 
wise the proposers of the plan of coercion ; they thought it 
better to feed that spirit, and to cherish the abuses and in- 
crease them ; they hoped to fortify their constitution against 
an epidemic distemper, by preserving uncured the old gouts 
and rheumatisms, and a host of other disorders. The power 
of limited monarchy was not to be preserved by constitutional 
power, which is its natural ally ; but by despotic power, which 
is its natural death and dissolution. Instead of correcting the 
abuses of the State, they invented laws which were themselves 
an abuse, and proclamations which were an abuse also ; and 
which greatly, though silently, propagated the new principle. 
There are two ways by which a new principle spreads ; one is 
by arms, and by martyrdom the other. The Mahomedan 
religion was propagated by arms ; it pleased Providence that 
the Christian religion should have been propagated by the 
latter. See whether the unfortunate choice of our ministers 
has not given to the new principle the benefit of both ; they 
have fled before it abroad, and they have trampled on it at 
home, and given it the double recommendation of conquest 
and martyrdom. This consideration was one of my objections 
to persist in the war with France, on account of Brabant, and 
it is one of my objections to persist in a war with the Irish on 
account of venal boroughs. Had the government, instead of 
aggravating, restrained abuses, they would have put the State 
at the head of a spirit of reform, which they could no longer 
resist, and could only hope to moderate; — it was to such a 
policy, adopted by Queen Elizabeth, that the church of Eng- 
land owes principally what it retains of power and splendour, 
preserved by the government of the country, who took the 
lead in the Reformation ; but our's fell into a different pro- 
ject ; they armed cap-a-pee against a spirit which they could 
not confine by arms abroad, nor by executions at home ; and, 
therefore, instead of being at the head of popular measures, 
they were at the tail of them ; in the Catholic question, in the 
place bill, in the pension bill, in every bill of a popular ten- 
dency, they resisted at first, they yielded at last, reluctantly 
and imperfectly, and then opposed, condemned, and betrayed 
the principle of their own acquiescence; they agreed to a 
place bill, for instance, and then they multiplied places mani- 



fold. What is the bar bill, or the bill that creates thirty new 
places for the gentlemen of the law ? They agreed to the first 
Catholic bill, and then proscribed the person of the Catholics, 
and oppose his freedom in corporations. They had before 
agreed to the establishment of the independency of the Irish 
Parliament, and then had created a multitude of officers to 
make that independency a name. It is reported to have been 
said by some of the ministers of England, that his Majesty's 
reign has been to Ireland a course of concession ; and it was 
much a subject of wonder, that the people of Ireland should 
persist in their dissatisfaction. The answer to those ministers 
is obvious ; the concessions were extorted from ministers by 
the perseverance of opposition, and they were rendered abor- 
tive by the treachery of ministers. The recognition of our 
parliamentary rights has been rendered abortive by unex- 
ampled exertions of bribery and corruption ; the freedom of 
our trade by debt and war; and the elective privileges of our 
Catholics by a course of personal persecution, and corporate 
influence ; and, on the whole, the benefit of constitutional laws, 
by the administration of an unconstitutional government. 
When the ministers talk of their concessions to Ireland, do 
they know the concessions of Ireland to them ? do they know 
the debt of the war ? Continue that rate of expence, and the 
English wars of the next century will have the same effect as 
the English prohibition of the last; they will annihilate the 
trade of Ireland. 

But, to return to the administration. They relapsed into 
their violence when they recovered from their fears, and their 
system has been, therefore, occasionally violent and weak, never 
strong and uniform. It is an observation of Lord Bacon, 
that the fall of one of the Roman Emperors was due, not to 
his tyranny nor his relaxation, but to both; and that the 
fluctuating system is ever fatal. It is an observation of the 
same, that the way to resist the progress of a new sect is to 
correct the abuses of the old ones. Unhappily our ministers 
differed from Bacon ; their system was faithful to no one 
principle, either of violence or concession. We objected, 
that it could not now resort to unqualified violence without 
incurring all the objections belonging to a policy of submis- 
sion, coupled with a policy of violence, and that it could not 
hope to obtain the advantages appertaining to either. In 
pursuit of such a system, the ministry seemed to us to have 
lost, not only their discretion, but their temper ; they seemed 
vexed with themselves for being angry ; they seemed to be- 
come in a passion with themselves, because they had lost their 
temper with the people. In its struggle with popular rights, 



the State, like a furious wrestler, lost its breath as well as its 
dignity — as if an angry father should lose his temper with his 
child, in which case the old fool is the most incorrigible. In 
the mean time, the enemy seemed to understand our situation 
perfectly well, and relied on our expenses for dissolving our 
credit, and our intemperance for dissolving our authority; 
-and, at the very time when we were precipitating on such 
measures at home, we were receiving the most melancholy 
communications from abroad ; we saw the minister retreating 
from the enemy with as rapid a step as he advanced upon the 
people, going back, and back, and back, while the democratic 
principle in Europe was getting on and on, like a mist at the 
heels of the countryman, small at first and lowly, but soon 
ascending to the hills and overcasting the hemisphere. Like 
the government, we wished to provide against this storm ; like 
the government, we wished to disarm the people. As the best 
the means of safety, we wished to disarm the people; but it was 
by the only method by which a free people can be disarmed ; 
we wished to disarm the people of their grievances, and then 
their other arms, their less dangerous arms, the bayonet, and 
even the pike, would be retained for no other use but the use of 
the government. A naked man, oppressed by the State, is an 
armed post. A few decent bishops, sent to the Tower against 
law, produced the Revolution. Mr. Hamden, and the four 
other innocent, persons arraigned by Charles I. for high 
treason, produced the civil war. That grey-coated man, or 
the green man, sent on board a tender, or detained in prison 
without trial, he, too, will have his political consequence. 
Sensible acts of violence have an epidemic force ; they operate 
by sympathy ; they possess the air, as it were, by certain ten- 
der influences, and spread the kindred passion through the 
whole of the community. No wonder the difficulties have 
increased on the government! Sad experiment! to blood 
the magistracy with the poor man's liberty, and employ the 
rich, like a pack of government blood-hounds, to hunt down 
the poor ! Acts of violence like these put an end to all law as 
well as liberty, or the affectation and appearance of either. In 
the course of the session, we asked to what end all this ? and 
accompanied our question by stating the enfeebled resources 
of the country. We had mentioned at the beginning, that 
the debt of the war had been about 5,000,000/. ; we were told 
it was an error ; I wish it had been so ; but, on examination, 
that sum appeared somewhat about the debt of the war. And 
it will appear, if the present loans are filled, that the debt of 
the war will be near 8,000,000/. We submitted the effects of 
the war on the resources of the country, and here again it was 



said we were in error ; I wish we had been so ; but at what 
interest does the state borrow money? an interest which, be- 
tween man and man, would be usury, and nearly double the 
former rate. We mentioned the state of the revenue to have 
declined ; again were we contradicted : but what is the fact ? 
what business is now done on the quay ? We did not wish to 
reveal the arcana imperii ; we stated nothing more than ap- 
peared from the terms proposed in the Gazette, from the re- 
turns of your custom-house, and the printed resolutions touch- 
ing the state of your manufactures ; and we stated those public 
facts, not to damp the public confidence in the defence of the 
country, but to abate a little of that frantic confidence mani- 
fested in a determination, at the hazard of her safety, to go on 
with a system of domestic coercion, till the minister should 
conquer the people; and of foreign war, till the same minister 
should achieve another conquest at the risk of general ruin ; 
till he should, sword in hand, recover Brabant : that minister 
has found it a more pressing experiment to defend Cork than 
to take Flanders, as the Emperor has found it a safer experi- 
ment to abandon Flanders and Italy to save Vienna. We 
mentioned those our objections to such folly then, and I re- 
peat thein now ; not to damp your zeal against a foreign 
enemy, but to confine the zeal of government to one enemy, 
and to deprecate a second enemy ; our own people and a civil 
war added to a foreign one. 

Such was the system of coercion. To oppose a remedy is 
easy ; to propose one is difficult and anxious. It appeared to 
us, that we should fail in duty and in candour, if, when we 
resisted the project of government, we did not submit a plan 
of our own ; and the only plan that appeared to us to pro- 
mise peace or prosperity, was conciliation ; we proposed ac- 
cordingly, the emancipation of the Catholics, and a reform in 
the Commons House of Parliament. To the first it was ob- 
jected, that such a measure was irreconcilable with the safety 
of the King, or the connexion with England. To the first ob- 
jection wean-wered, that the capacities of three-fourths of the 
people should not be made a personal compliment to His Ma- 
jesty, and that the pretence for taking away those capacities 
should not be the religion of His Majesty's allies, of his pre- 
sent subjects of Canada, of his late subjects of Corsica, of a 
considerable part of his fleet, and of a great part of his army ; 
that the principles that placed his family on the throne were 
those of liberty ; and that his Irish subjects, if not convicted 
of felony, were entitled to the benefit of those principles ; and 
that the Catholics have, in justice and reason at least, as good 
a right to liberty as His Majesty has to the crown. We ob- 



served, that the only impediment to the Catholic claim, as the 
law now stands, was the oath requiring the abjuration of the 
worship of the Virgin Mary, and of the doctrine of the real 
presence; that, to make these points, at such a time as this, 
matter of alarm to the safety of the King, was to give an air 
of ridicule to the serious calamities in which those, his minis- 
ters, had involved him. That such opinions, now abstracted 
from foreign politics, it was beyond the right or the power of 
the state to settle or punish ; that kings had no right to enter 
into the tabernacle of the human mind, and hang up there the 
images of their own orthodoxy; that the Catholics did not 
insist His Majesty should be of their religion, that His Ma- 
jesty had no right to exact that the Catholics should be of his 
— that we knew of no royal rule either for religion or mathe- 
matics ; and, indeed, the distance between divine and human 
nature being infinite, the proportion in that reference between 
the King and the subject is lost; and therefore, in matters of 
religion, they both are equally dark, and should be equally 
humble ; and when courts or kings assume a dictation on that 
subject, they assume a familiarity with the Almighty, which is 
excess of blasphemy as well as of blindness. Our contempla- 
tion, the most profound, on divine nature, can only lead us to 
one great conclusion, our own immeasurable inanity ; from 
whence we should learn, that we can never serve God but in 
serving his creature ; and to think we serve God by a pro- 
fusion of prayer, when we degrade and proscribe his creature 
and our fellow- creature, was to suppose Heaven, like the 
court of princes, a region of flattery, and that man can there 
procure a holy connivance at his inhumanity, on the personal 
application of luxurious and complimentary devotion. 

Or, if the argument were to descend from religious to moral 
study, surely, surely ministers should have remembered that 
the Catholics had contributed greatly to the expenses of the 
war, and had bled profusely therein ; that they themselves 
were much in debt to human nature, and should not lose that 
one opportunity of paying a very small part of it, merely by a 
restoration of loyal subjects to their own inheritance, their li- 
berty. We suggested such a step as a measure of policy, as 
well as justice, with a view to the strength and power of his 
Majesty, who was most improperly made a bar to such a con- 
cession. We suggested that his situation, with regard to 
America, to Europe, to his allies and enemies, was critical ; 
and that it was a mockery of that situation to suppose, that the 
worship of the Virgin Mary, or the doctrine of real presence, 
constituted any part of the royal difficulties; that there was 
210 spectre to disturb the royal imagination, but an existing 



substance ; a gigantic form walked the earth at this moment, 
who smote crowns with a hundred hands, and opened, for the 
seduction of their subjects, a hundred arms — democracy; and 
we implored ministers, against such an enemy, to ally and iden- 
tify the King with all his people, without distinction of reli- 
gion, and not to detach him from any part of them to make a 
miserable alliance with priestcraft, which was a falling cause, 
and a superannuated folly. 

With regard to the danger offered to the connection with 
England, from the emancipation of the Catholics, we observed, 
that the argument was of a most dangerous and insulting na- 
ture, for it amounted to a declaration that the privileges of a 
vast portion of a nation should be sacrificed to another coun- 
try; that it was not the old internal question, whether the 
privileges of one part of Ireland should be sacrificed to the 
ambition of the other, but whether a vast description of the 
people of Ireland should be sacrificed to England : we observed, 
that, in this part of the argument, we need not recur to justice, 
we might rely on policy; and we asked, was it the policy of 
England, for the purity of Irish faith, to make experiments on 
Irish allegiance ? We did not wish to exaggerate, but were 
justified in making this supposition : suppose Ireland the seat 
of government, and that, for the better securing the safety of 
the King, here resident, and for the connection of Great Bri- 
tain with' Ireland, that the Irish should incapacitate all the Pro- 
testants of England? The same affection which England, on 
that supposition, would afford to the Irish, the same affection 
has she now a right to expect from Ireland. When England 
had conquered France, possessed America, guided the councils 
of Prussia, directed Holland, and intimidated Spain ; when 
she was the great western oracle to which the nations of the 
earth repaired, from whence to draw eternal truths of policy 
and freedom; when her root extended from continent to con- 
tinent, and the dew of the two hemispheres watered her 
branches ; then, indeed, we allowed with less danger, but 
never with justice, she might have made sacrifices of the 
claims of the Irish. I do not mean, we did not mean, to press 
a sense of the change which has taken place in the power of 
England, further than to prevent further changes, more 
mortifying and decisive, and to impress on Great Britain this 
important conviction, that as Ireland is necessary to her, so is 
complete and perfect liberty necessary to Ireland, and that 
both islands must be drawn much closer to a free constitution, 
that they may be drawn closer to one another. 

The second part of our plan of conciliation was the reform 
of Parliament. The object of the plan was, to restore the 



House of Commons to the people. If the plan do not accom-* 
plish that, it is not the idea of the framers; but no plan could 
satisfy those persons who wished to retain the credit of reform- 
ers and the influence of boroughs ; no plan could satisfy those 
who complained, when any vestige of borough influence was 
continued, that the Parliament was not reformed, and when the 
vestiges were swept away, that the constitution was demolish- 
ed ; no plan could satisfy those who desired that the boroughs 
should be destroyed and preserved, and were willing to let the 
people sit in the House of Commons, provided the aristocracy 
sat in their lap. It is in favour of the plan submitted, that, 
without any communication whatever with the other side of 
water, it bears a strong and close resemblance to the plan pro- 
posed in the Parliament of Great Britain, and, in that resem- 
blance, carries with it a presumption that it has a foundation 
in common sense and common interest ; the objections to it, 
founded on the presumed antiquity of the borough system^ 
hardly ventured to make their appearance ; examination into 
the subject had shown, that the greater part of the Irish bo- 
roughs were creations by the house of Stuart for the avowed 
purpose of modelling and subverting the Parliamentary con- 
stitution of Ireland ; that these were understated when called 
abuses in the constitution, that they were gross and monstrous 
violations, recent and wicked innovations, and the fatal usur- 
pations on the constitution by kings whose family' lost the 
throne for crimes less deadly to freedom, and who in their star 
chamber tyranny, in their court of high commission, in their 
ship-money, or in their dispensing power, did not commit an 
act so diabolical in intention, so mortal in principle, or so ra- 
dically -subversive of the fundamental rights of the realm, as 
the fabrication of boroughs, which is the fabrication of a court 
Parliament, and the exclusion of a constitutional Commons, 
and which is a subversion, not of the fundamental laws, but of 
the constitutional lawgiver; you banish that family for the 
other acts, and you retain that act by which they have banish- 
ed the Commons. 

It was objected with more success that the constitution of 
boroughs, however in theory defective, has worked well in 
fact ; but it appeared to us that this was an historic error : we 
stated in answer to that objection, that the birth of the bo- 
rough inundation was the destruction of liberty and property; 
that James I., the king who made that inundation, by that 
means destroyed the titles of the Irish subjects to their lands, 
without the least ceremony ; the robbery of his liberty was 
immediately followed by the robbery of his property ; for, rely 
on it, the king that takes liberty will very soon take away pro- 


petty ; he will rob the subject of his liberty by influence, and 
then he may plunder him of his property by statute. There 
were at that time, the historian adds, inferior grievances; 
what were they ? — martial law, and extortion by the soldiers, 
in levying the King's duties ; a criminal jurisdiction exercised 
by the castle chamber, and a judicial power by the council. 
These inferior and those superior grievances, amounted to no 
law at all. How could it happen, says the historian, that the 
King could do all this with so small an army, seize the pro- 
perties of the subjects, and transport the inhabitant. I will 
presume to conjecture, the King had another instrument, 
more subtile and more pliable than the sword ; and against 
the liberty of the subject more cold and deadly, a court in- 
strument that murders freedom without the mark of blood ; 
palls itself in the covering of the constitution, and in her own 
colours, and in her name plants the dagger, a borough Parlia- 
ment. Under this borough system, the reign of James was 
bad, but the next was worse ; the grievances which England 
complained of, under Charles I., were committed in Ireland 
also. Those measures 1 mean called the new councils; they 
had been aggravated here by an attempt to confiscate the pro- 
vince of Connaught. There is extant a correspondence on 
the subject of Ireland, between the King and his deputy, Lord 
Strafford, of a most criminal and disgusting nature. His Ma- 
jesty begins by professing his general horrors of the constitu- 
tion ; he proceeds to acknowledge his particular injuries to 
the Irish; he owned that he had defrauded the Irish of their 
promised graces, and he expresses his fears that they have a 
right in justice to ask what it was his interest, as it appeared 
to be his determination, to refuse. His deputy — what does 
he do ? — he exceeds his royal master in his zeal against the 
pretensions of Ireland. A judicious court sycophant will often 
flatter the court of St. James, by Irish sacrifice, whether it is 
the constitution, or the fair name of the country. He, the de- 
puty, had, said the historian, two great objects ; one was to 
fleece the people of Ireland, and the other was to cheat them ; 
to get the money, and to elude the graces. * He succeeded — 
why ? — because there was another, a third instrument, worse 
than himself, a borough Parliament; that borough Parlia- 
ment met ; it voted six subsidies, and redressed nothing. This 
is virtue and public spirit in comparison to what it did after. 
After committing these crimes, for which the deputy justly 
lost his head ; after having seized part of the province of Con- 

* These graces somewhat resembled the English Petition of Right ; they 
imparted to the subject certain liberties and privileges. The Irish agreed 
to pay to the King a considerable sum of money for them ; the Deputy got 
the money, and withheld the graces ! — Note by Editor. 
E 2 



naught ; after the inflicting martial law, monopolies, raising an 
army against law, and money to pay that army against law ; 
after fining and confining against law, the borough Parlia- 
ment vote that deputy an extraordinary supply, and, in the 
preamble of the act, they pass on that deputy an extraordinary 
panegyric, with such a thorough conviction of his iniquity and 
their own, that they after impeach that very minister for those 
very acts, and record a protestation against the record of their 
panegyric, to give way to the meanness of another borough 
Parliament, who, on the return of his family, cancels the re- 
cord of the protestation to restore the force of the panrgyric ; 
massacre, confusion, civil war, religious fury, followed natu- 
rally, and of course. Here you see hatched and matured the 
egg that produced the massacre, and all that brood of mortal 

The principles of right were rooted out of the land by go- 
vernment, and they were amazed at anarchy ; the barriers 
against inundation were removed by the government, and they 
were astonished at being overwhelmed by a popular torrent, 
the principles of robbery were planted by the deputy, and the 
government were surprised at the growth of popular pillage; 
had the country been left to a state of a barbarous nature, she 
could not have been so shattered and convulsed as when thus 
reduced to a state of barbarous art, where the government had 
vitiated that parliamentary constitution it professed to intro- 
duce, and had introduced, without professing it, influence, not 
civilization ; had set one order of the nation in feud against the 
other; had tainted the gentry with the itch of venality, (there 
was bribery in those days as well as violence,) and had given 
them ideas of vice, but not of refinement. I pass over a 
hundred and thirty years, a horrid vacuum in your history of 
borough Parliaments, save only as it has been filled with four 
horrid images in the four-fold proscription of the religion, trade, 
of the judicative and legislative authority of the country, by 
the commercial restrictions of William, the penal laws of 
William and Anne, and the declaratory act of the 6th of 
George. And I come to the boundary of the gulph where 
the constitution begins to stir and live in an octennial bill, ac- 
companied, however, with, and corrected by, a court project 
of new parliamentary influence and degradation. This pro- 
ject may be called a court plan for reforming borough Parlia- 
ments, but reforming them, not on the principle of popular 
representation, but of a more complete and perfect exclusion 
and banishment of the Commons; the people had begun to 
form certain combinations with the oligarchy, and, like w r eeds, 
began to grow a little about the doors and courts of their own 
Houses of Parliament, and, like weeds, it was thought pro- 



per to banish them ; and as government had before resorted 
to the creation of boroughs to overwhelm the Commons, so 
now they resorted to a new host of places and pensions to 
overwhelm the oligarchy. This is the famous half million, or 
the experiment of the castle, to secure the dependence of Par- 
liament, and to prevent the formation of an Irish party against 
the domination of a Britis h cabinet. The court could not then, 
like the 1st James, and the 1st Charles, command to rise up a 
new fabric of boroughs, like a regal pandemonium, to consti- 
tute a regal House of Commons; it therefore engendered a 
young and numerous family of places and pensions, to bribe 
and to buy, and to split, and shatter, and to corrupt the oli- 
garchy. Thus were the people once more excluded from the 
chance of influence in Parliament, and, as it were, shouldered 
from the threshold of their own house by a host of placemen 
and pensioners, who had left the cause of the country to fol- 
low the fortunes of the aristocracy, and now left the aristocracy 
to follow the fortunes of the court, and then voted new loans 
and new taxes to furnish wages for the double apostacy. You 
had now but little to give up, and that little you surrendered ; 
you gave your provision trade, by an embargo of 177^>i 
to the contractors, and von surrendered, by new loans and 
taxes, your revenues to the minister. You accompanied these 
sacrifices with the unvarying felicitations of borough Parlia- 
ments, on the virtues of government, on the great and growing 
prosperity of your country, and her commerce, which bring 
the poor progress of the country, your borough history, and 
that of your chief governor, (a continuation of rapine, they have 
been wittily called,) to the catastrophe of 177^> which found 
your state a bankrupt, and your community a beggar, and 
which induced Parliament to declare, that such had been the 
working of your borough system, and such the sense of that 
Parliament respecting it, that nothing but a free trade could 
save the country from impending ruin. 

I wish to speak with all honour of the Parliament at that 
moment, but must recollect the circumstances of that moment. 
Why did Parliament express itself in that manner at that 
time, and demand its rights a short time after ? Because 
Parliament was at those moments in contact with the people ; 
and it is the object of the reform that she should continue in 
contact with tiie people always, and with the minister never, 
except the people should be in contact with him ; that Par- 
liament declared, that nothing could save this country from 
impending ruin, except a free trade; but, in declaring that, 
it declared much more; it protested against these borough 
Parliaments of a century, who had acquiesced in the loss of a 
free trade; who had suffered the country to be reduced to 
e 3 



that state of impending ruin, for want of that free trade ; and 
who had beheld the approaches of that ruin with a profusion 
of thanks, and a regular felicitation on the growing prosperity 
and flourishing commerce of a ruined country ; and that Par- 
liament did, by necessary inference, declare, to save the coun- 
try from returning to that state of ruin, that it was absolutely 
necessary to reform the state and model of those borough 
Parliaments, and therefore is an authority for a popular re- 
presentation, as well as for a free trade. Indeed, it not only pro- 
claimed the necessity, but constituted it ; for, in a short time 
after, it gave this country a new political situation, wherein 
she ceased to be a province, and became a nation ; and, of 
course, it rendered those borough Parliaments that were 
adequate to the management of a province, absurd and in- 
applicable when that province became a nation. A pro- 
vince must be governed with a view to the interest of another 
country ; a nation with a view to her own interest. A 
borough Parliament was, therefore, not only competent to 
govern a province, but the only kind of Parliament fit 
for the degradation of such a service, and for that very 
reason it was the most unfit and inadmissible instrument 
in the government of a nation ; for the principle of its birth 
being, in that case, opposite to the principle of its duty; the 
principle of its birth being court intrigue, with touched and 
tainted contractors, and the principle of its duty being the de- 
fence of the nation against such intrigue and such contractors ; 
the nature of Parliament being opposed to its duty, or its duty 
to its parent being in contradiction with its duty to its country^ 
it follows that the nation, in such a case, must be reprovin- 
cialized, and the independency supposed to have been then 
obtained at that period would have been only a transfer of 
dependency from the Parliament of Great Britain to the Court 
of St. James's, in covin and in couple with the borough- 
brokers of Ireland ; therefore the independency of your Par- 
liament, and the full and free representation of your people, 
are terms synonimous and commensurate. In opposition to 
this history and these arguments, submitted, in different shapes, 
to the House, in support of parliamentary reform, it was re- 
plied, that the borough constitution had worked well, at least 
since 1782; for before no man will contend for it, and that 
the country had greatly advanced in commerce and in tillage ; 
and, indeed, as far as the ploughman and the weaver are con- 
cerned, too much cannot be said to justify against every charge 
of sloth the character of the Irishman, and to vindicate against 
a vulgar error the native energy of a strong, hardy, bold, 
brave, laborious, warm-hearted, and faithful race of men, 
But, as far as that boast goes to political measures, we cannot 



so well express our detestation of them as by recital : the pro- 
positions: the new taxes without the trade; the new debt, 
notwithstanding the new taxes; the sale of the peerage; the 
surrender of the East India trade for the re-export trade; 
the refusal of the re-export trade, without such barter ; the 
inequality of the channel trade, and the present provincial 
tariff suffered still to obtain between the two countries ; the 
8,000,000/. of loan voted on account of the war, without com- 
mercial compensation, liberality, or equality ; the increase of 
offices, for 'the professed purposes of procuring a majority ; 
another increase of offices since the place bill; the bar bill; 
the convention bill; the gunpowder bill ; the indemnity bill; 
the second indemnity bill; the insurrection bill; the suspen- 
sion of the Habeas Corpus; General Lake's proclamation by 
order of government; the approbation afforded to that pro- 
clamation ; the subsequent proclamation of government, more 
military and decisive; the order to the military to act without 
waiting for the civil power; the imprisonment of the middle 
orders without law; the detaining them in prison without 
bringing them to trial ; the transporting them without law, 
burning their houses, burning their villages, murdering them 
— crimes, many of which are public, and many committed 
which are concealed by the suppression of a free press, by mi- 
litary force; the preventing the legal meetings of counties to 
petition His Majesty, by orders acknowledged to be given to 
the military to disperse them — subverting the subject's right 
to petition ; and, finally, the introduction of practices not only 
unknown to law, but unknown to civilized and Christian 

Such has been the working of the borough system : nor 
could such measures have taken place but for that system. 
Such practices, however, have in part been defended as acts 
of power, necessary to prevent insurrection, and punish con- 
spiracy. But it appeared to us, that in these practices 
government was combating effects, not causes; and that those 
practices increase these causes, and, therefore, will increase 
those effects; that admitting every charge of conspiracy and 
disaffection in its fullest extent — that conspiracy and disaffec- 
tion are only effects of that great fundamental cause, that 
parent conspiracy formed some years ago, to procure by cor- 
ruption despotic power. That is the cause, and that cause 
acts according to the reception of its matter, and the tempers 
and constitutions to which it applies : and, therefore, pro- 
duces on some men disloyalty, in some republicanism, in 
some the spirit of reform; but in all deep, great, and growing 
discontent. That is the cause and the poison which has 
e 4 



made some men mad, and all men sick ; and though the go- 
vernment may not be able to restore reason to the mad, or 
loyalty to the republican, yet if they mean to restore health 
to the sick, if they mean to restore content and confidence to 
all, to most or to any considerable portion of the people, they 
must take away the poison, they must remove the cause, they 
must reform the Parliament. They have told us at some 
times, and at other times they have said the contrary, that it 
is a spirit of plunder, not politics, that is abroad : idle talk — 
whatever be the crime of the present spirit, it is not the crime 
of theft — if so, it were easily put down ; no, it is a political, 
not a predatory spirit ; it is the spirit of political reformation, 
carried to different degrees; to liberty, in some instances; to 
ambition in others; and to power in others. And even in 
these cases, where charged to be cariied to confiscation, it is 
evident from the charge itself that confiscation looks to politi- 
cal vengeance, not private plunder; and, therefore, the best 
way of laying that spirit, of whatever designs or intents, is to 
lay the pre-existing spirit of unlawful power and unconstitu- 
tional influence that has frighted the people from Parliament, 
and has called to our world that other potent and uncircum- 
scribed apparition. The way to defend your property is to 
defend your liberty; and the best method to secure your 
house against a defender, is to secure the Commons House 
against a Minister. " There was ambition, there was sedi- 
tion, there was violence, mixing in the public cause," said 
Lord Chatham to Mr. Flood, in a private conversation, as he 
told me, on the civil war between Charles I. and his people. 
" There was," said he, " ambition, — there was sedition, — 
there was violence, — but no man will persuade me that it 
was not the cause of liberty on one side, and tyranny on the 
other." So here there may be conspiracy, — there may be 
republicanism, — there may be a spirit of plunder mixing in 
the public cause ; but it is a public cause, and let no man per- 
suade you that it is not the cause of liberty on one side, and 
tyranny on the other. The historian of these melancholy 
and alarming times, censuring perhaps both the minister and 
the opposition, and censuring us more for our relaxation than 
violence, will, if a candid man, close the sad account by ob- 
serving, " that, on the whole, the cause of the Irish distraction 
of 1797, was the conduct of the servants of Government en- 
deavouring to establish, by unlimited bribery, absolute power; 
that the system of coercion was a necessary consequence, and 
part of the system of corruption : and that the two systems in 
their success would have established a ruthless and horrid ty- 
ranny, tremendous and intolerable, imposed on the senate by 



influence, and the people by arms." Against such excess of 
degradation, against any excess whatsoever, we moved the 
middle, and, as we thought, the composing and the salutary 
measure; a reform of Parliament, which should give a consti- 
tution to the people, and the Catholic emancipation, which 
should give a people to the constitution. We supported that 
measure by the argument herein advanced, and we defended 
ourselves by such against a deluge of abuse conveyed in the 
public prints against us on account of that measure ; and I 
restate those arguments, that, however the majority of the 
House of Commons might have been effected, your under- 
standing may not be carried away by such a torrent of invec- 
tive. We urged those considerations ; we might have added 
in our defence the dangers of invasion and insurrection, 
panics most likely to incline the minister to concur in such a 
measure, which measure seems to be our best, I might say, 
our only defence against those dangers and those panics; we 
might have added, considerations of the immense expence 
attendant on the working, as it is called, of this borough con- 
stitution; which expence may be called the prodigality of 
misrepresentation, or the huge and gigantic profusion which 
the people supply for turning themselves out of Parliament. 
It is well known that the price of boroughs is from 14 to 
16,000/. and has in the course of not many years increased 
one-third ; a proof at once of the extravagance and audacity 
of this abuse, which thus looks to immortality, and proceeds, 
unawed by the times, and uninstructed by example; and, in 
moments which are held alarming, entertains no fear, con- 
ceives no panic, and feels no remorse which prevents the 
chapman and dealer to go on at any risque with his villainous 
little bai ter, in the very rockings and frownings of the ele- 
ments, and mnkes him tremble indeed at liberty, but not at 

" Suspend the habeas corpus act, — take away the poor 
man, — send the reformer to Newgate, — imprison the 
north ; but for the trade of Parliament, for the borough- 
broker of that trade, do not affect him; give him a gun- 
powder act, give him a convention bill, give him an insurrection 
bill, give him an indemnity bill, and, having saturated him 
with the liberty of his country, give him all the plunder of 
the state." Such is the practical language of that great noun 
of multitude, the borough-broker; demurring on the troubles 
of the times which he himself has principally caused, and 
lying at the door of a secretary full of sores and exactions. 
This sum I speak of, this 14 or 16,000/., must ultimately be 
paid by you : it is this increase of the price of boroughs which 



has produced the increase of the expence of your establish- 
ments ; and this increase of the expence of your establishment, 
which has produced this increase for the price of your bo- 
roughs ; they operate alternately, like cause and effect, and 
have, within themselves, the double principle of rapid ruin : 
so that the people pay their members as formerly, but pay 
them more, and pay them for representing others, not them- 
selves, and giving the public purse, full and open, to the mi- 
nister, and rendering it back empty to the people. Oh ! 
unthrifty people ! whoever surrendered that invaluable right 
of paying your own representatives — rely on it, the people 
must be the prey if they are not the paymasters. To this 
public expence we are to add the monstrous and bankrupt 
waste of private property, becoming now so great, that honest 
men cannot, in any number, afford to come into parliament, 
as the expence amounts to a child's portion, as the child must 
be wronged, or the father sold or excluded. Thus, in the 
borough constitution, is private and public virtue set at 
variance, and men must renounce the service of their country 
or the interest of their family ; from this evil, the loss of 
private fortune, a much greater loss is likely hereafter to take 
place, the loss .of talent in the public service; for this great 
expence must, in the end, work out of Parliament all unsti- 
pendiary talent that acts for the people, and supply it by sti- 
pendiary talent that acts against them. What man of small 
fortune, what man of great fortune, can now afford to come into 
the House of Commons, or sustain the expence of a seat in 
Parliament, or of a contested election ? and what open place, 
except in a very few instances, (the city is one of them), where 
the electors return without cost to their representatives ? I 
know some who have great talents and have exercised them in 
the public service, are disposed to decline situations, to the 
honest individual so expensive, and to the public now so un- 
profitable. To this I am to add a greater evil than those 
already stated, the expenditure of morals. What shall we 
say for the morals of a country — how many years' purchase 
would you give for her virtue, whose ministry founded its au- 
thority on moral depravity, and formed a league and covenant 
with an oligarchy to transfer for hire, virtually and substan- 
tially, the powers of legislation to the Cabinet of another 
kingdom. We inveigh against other combinations, what sort 
of a combination is this ? This, I know not by what name 
to approach it, shoots it virus into the heart and marrow of 
the higher orders of the country. Make your people honest, 
says the court ; make your court honest, say the people. 
It is the higher classes that introduce corruption ; thieving 



may be learned from poverty, but corruption is learned from 
riches. It is a venal court that makes a venal country; that 
vice descends from above; the peasant does not go to the castle 
for the bribe, but the castle candidate goes to the peasant ; 
and the castle candidate offers the bribe to the peasant, be- 
cause he expects in a much greater bribe to be repaid by the 
minister. Thus things go on ; it is impossible they can last ; 
the trade of Parliament ruins every thing : your ministers 
rested their authority entirely on that trade, till now they call 
in the aid of military power to enforce corruption by the 
sword. The laws did, in my judgment, afford the crown 
sufficient power to administer the country, and preserve the 
connection with Great Britain, but our ministers have despised 
the ordinary tract, and plain, obvious, legitimate and vulgar 
bonds between the kin«jr and the subject : they have resorted 
to the guinea and the gallows, as to the only true and faithful 
friends of government, and try to hang where they cannot 
corrupt: they have extended the venal stipendiary principle 
to all constituted authorities: they have given the taint to the 
grave corporator as well as the senator, and have gone into 
the halls and street to communicate the evil to the middling and 
orderly part of the society ; they have attempted the inde- 
pendency of the bar. J have great objections to the bar bill ; 
and my objections are great in proportion to my regards for 
the profession, whose signal services to the cause of liberty 
must prove to every man's conviction how valuable the acqui- 
sition, and how inestimable the loss of that profound and 
acute profession must be to the cause of a country such as 
this was formerly, where the rule of government was the law 
of the land. 

We have heard of complaints against systems of disorgani- 
zation ; what is this system? Is not the corruption of organi- 
zed bodies their dissolution? Is not their perversion worse 
than their dissolution ? What shall we say of the attempts 
of ministers on sheriffs, and the appointment of that magis- 
trate with a view to parliamentary influence only ; and to the 
prevention of legal aggregate meetings, and the suppression 
of the public sentiment. These things must have an end ; 
this disorganization of constituted authorities by court influ- 
ence must have an end. I am not superstitious, but I know 
that states, like individuals, are punished ; it is to prevent 
their punishment we assayed their reformation ; they are pun- 
ished collectively, and they are punished slowly, but they are 
punished : where the people are generally or universally cor- 
rupt, the society comes to a state of dissolution ; where that 
corruption is confined to those who administer the country. 


that power must come to a state of dissolution ; but in order 
to prevent the society from partaking of that corruption and 
consequence of that corrupt dissolution, it is necessary that 
the power that administers the country should be brought 
speedily and radically to a state of reformation ; the best sys- 
tems are not immortal; are the worst? Is the trade of Parlia- 
ment immortal ; have the best systems perished ? and shall 
this be impassable and everlasting, infinite in its duration, as 
it is unbounded in its profligacy. What was the case of Car- 
thage, of Rome, and of the court of France ? What is the 
case of the court of England ? Silting under the stroke of 
justice for the American war; paying pains and penalties in 
augmented burdens and diminished glory; that influence 
which has depressed her liberty has destroyed her energy, and 
rendered her as unfit to preserve her empire as her freedom. 
As long ns the battle was between the Court and the consti- 
tution, the former was perfectly equal to subdue her own 
people; but when she was to combat another people, she was 
unequal to the task, and for the very reason, because she had 
seduced and debased her own. The corruption of the Court 
lias rendered England vincible, and has endued her, in her 
present state of national degradation, with an insensibility of 
glory — the result and evidence of mental degeneracy. I re- 
member to have heard Lord Chatham, in one of his speeches 
on the Middlesex election, observe, that in his ministry the 
object of the court of England was the conquest of the French, 
and that now it was the conquest of Mr. Wilkes. The pur- 
suing such like conquests as those over Mr. Wilkes, has en- 
abled the French to establish a conquest over the English. 
The King, who is advised to conquer the liberty of his sub- 
jects, prepares those subjects for a foreign yoke. The Ro- 
mans were conquered at Cannae, first by Varro, and af- 
terwards by Hannibal. The English have been conquered, 
first by the minister, and afterwards by the French. Those 
Romans were finally conquered by the barbarians of the north, 
because they had been previously conquered by the princes of 
the empire; and then the half-armed savage, with the pike 
and the pole, came down on the frontiers, and disposed of the 
masters of the world as of the stock of the land ; the gouty 
stock of the rich, and the mute stock of the people. 

It is now sixty years since the adoption of the project to 
supply in corruption what the chief mngistrate lost in prero- 
gative, the loss of thirteen provinces, of 120,000,000/. to lose 
these provinces, the loss of our station in Europe, the loss of 
130 millions, to lose that station, to place the crown of Eng- 
land as low in Europe as in America, and to put France at 


the head of Europe, instead of Great Britain, while her 
people crouch under a load of debt and taxes, without an 
empire to console, or a constitution to cover them, has been 
the working of that project; it has worked so well, as to have 
worked the people out of their liberty, and His Majesty out of 
his empire ; to leave him as little authority in Europe as his 
people in Parliament; and to put the King at the feet of 
France, as the people are put at the feet of the King; public 
credit has also fallen a victim to this, its success, its last great 
conquest after liberty and empire. In this rapid decline, no 
one minister has been punished, or even questioned; and an 
empire and a constitution have been lost without one penal 
example; and, in a war unparalleled in expence and disgrace, 
and attended with the grossest and rankest errors, closing the 
account of blood with proclamations of insolvency ; no mur- 
mur from the Parliament of either countries, — no murmur ! 
Far from inquiry or complaint, confidence has uniformly at- 
tended defeat and dishonour. The minister's majorities are 
become as numerous as li is disgraces; and so gigantic have 
been his encroachments on the independency of the con- 
stitution, that they can only be matched by the gigantic en- 
croachment of the enemy on the empire. In short, so per- 
fectly do the people appear to be driven out of all footing in 
the constitution, that when his Majesty is driven out of al- 
most all looting in Europe, and a question is made by the 
people, whether the ministers of these disgraces and dishonours 
shall be dismissed? they have their majority at hand to sup- 
port them. 

Against this inundation of evil we interposed reform ; 
we were convinced of its necessity from the consideration of 
corruption at home; we were confirmed in that conviction 
from the consideration of revolutions abroad. We saw the regal 
power of France destroyed by debts, by expence, and by abuses; 
we saw the nobility interpose for those abuses only, to encum- 
ber the throne with their ruins, and to add revolution of pro- 
perty to revolution of government ; we saw, in the American 
revolution, that a people determined to be free cannot be en- 
slaved ; that British government was not equal to the task, 
even in plenitude of empire, supported by the different go- 
vernments of the provinces, and by the sad apostacy of the 
hapless loyalist; that loyalist is a lesson to the rich and great 
to stand by their country in all situations ; and that, in a con- 
test with a remote court, the first post of safety is to stand by 
the country, and the second post of safety is to stand by the 
country, and the third post of safety is to stand by the coun- 
try ; in that American contest we saw, that reform, which had 



been born in England and banished to America, advanced 
like the Shepherd Lad in Holy Writ, and overthrew Go- 
liah. He returned riding on the wave of the Atlantic, and 
his spirit moved on the waters of Europe. The royal ship of 
France went down ; the British man of war labours; your 
vessel is affected; throw your people overboard, say your 
ministers, and ballast with your abuses ; throw your abuses 
overboard, we said, and ballast with your people. We re- 
collected these islands were formerly placed in a sea of despot- 
ism ; we saw they were now two kingdoms in a republican 
ocean, situated between two great revolutions, with a certainty 
of being influenced, more or less, by one or by both. We 
asked ourselves, was it possible that the American revolution 
could have had such effects on France, and that the American 
and the French revolutions would have no effect on these coun- 
tries ? The questions that affect the world are decided on the 
theatre of the world. The great question of popular liberty 
was fought on the great rivers of Europe and America ; it re- 
mained to moderate what we could not govern — and what 
method so safe to moderate popular power as by limited mo- 
narchy ? and what method remains to limit the monarchy of 
these kingdoms (it has now no limit) as by reforming Parlia- 
ment ? What method, I say, to prevent a revolution but a re- 
formation ? and what is that reformation of Parliament but the 
restoration to the people of self-legislation, without which there 
is no liberty, as without reform no self-legislation ? So we 

The government of a country may be placed in the hands 
of one man, and that one man may reside in another king- 
dom, and yet the people may be free and satisfied ; but to have 
the legislature of the country, or, what is the same thing, the 
influencing and directing spirit of the legislature placed out of 
the country ; to have not only the King, but the legislature, 
an absentee ; to have not only the head but the heart dis- 
posed of in another country. Such a condition may be a dis- 
guised, but it is unqualified and perfect despotism. Self- 
legislation is life, and has been fought for as for being. It 
was that principle that called forth resistance to the house of 
Stuart, and baptized with royalty the house of Hanover, 
when the people stood sponsors for their allegiance to the li- 
berty of the subjects ; for kings are but satellites, and your 
freedom is the luminary that has called them to the skies. It 
was with a view, therefore, to restore liberty, and with a view 
also to secure and immortalize royalty, by restoring to the 
people self-legislation, we proposed reform. A principle 
of attraction about which the king and people would spin on 


quietly and insensibly in regular movements, and in a system 
common to them both. " No, no, no, the half million," said 
the minister, " that is my principle of attraction. Among 
the rich I send my half million, and I dispatch my co- 
ercion among the people." His devil went forth; he de- 
stroyed liberty and property; he consumed the press; he 
burned houses and villages; he murdered and he failed. 
" Recall your murderer," we said, " and in his place dis- 
patch our messenger ; try conciliation. You have declar- 
ed you wish the people should rebel, to which we answer, 
God forbid ! Rather let them weary the royal ear with peti- 
tions ; and let the dove be again sent to the King ; it may 
bring back the olive. And as to you, thou mad minister ! who 
pour in regiment after regiment to dragoon the Irish, because 
you have forfeited their affections, we beseech, we supplicate, 
we admonish, reconcile the people; combat revolution by re- 
form ; let blood be your last experiment." Combat the spirit 
of democracy by the spirit of liberty ; the wild spirit of de- 
mocratic liberty by the regulated spirit of organized liberty, 
such as may be found in a limited monarchy, with a free Par- 
liament ; but how accomplish that but by reforming the pre- 
sent Parliament, whose narrow and contracted formation in 
both countries excludes popular representation, i, e. excludes 
self-legislation, i. e. excludes liberty ; and whose fatal com- 
pliances, the result of that defective representation, have 
caused, or countenanced, or sanctioned, or suffered for a 
course of years, a succession of measures which have collected 
upon us such an accumulation of calamity ; and which have 
finally, at an immense expence, and through a sea of blood, 
stranded these kingdoms on a solitary shore, naked of empire, 
naked of liberty, and naked of innocence, to ponder on an 
abyss which has swallowed up one part of their fortunes, and 
yawns for the remainder? 

May the kingly power that forms one estate in our con- 
stitution, continue for ever ; but let it be as it professes to be, 
and as by the principles and laws of these countries, it should 
be, one estate only ; and not a power constituting one estate, 
creating another, and influencing a third. 

May the parliamentary constitution prosper; but let it 
be an operative, independent, and integral part of the consti- 
tution, advising, confining, and sometimes directing, the kingly 

May the House of Commons flourish ; but let the people 
be the sole author of it existence, as they should be the 
great object of its care. 


May the connexion with Great Britain continue; but let 
the result of that connexion be, the perfect freedom, in the 
fairest and fullest sense, of all description of men, without 
distinction of religion. 

To this purpose we spoke; and speaking this to no pur- 
pose, withdrew. It now remains to add this supplication : — 
However it may please the Almighty to dispose of princes 
or of parliaments, may the liberties of the people be 








May it please His Majesty, to take into his gracious consideration 
the following Declaration and Petition, containing, as is humbly 
conceived, the principal grounds of the applications lately made 
by divers of his Irish subjects for redress, and also a vindication 
of his people against the traductions of his ministers, together 
with an humble suggestion of remedy, such as seemeth best, 
against the evils of slavery or separation. 

His Majesty's ministers have affected to give a history of his 
people; we beg to lay before his Majesty a history of them; 
they began very far back ; we will begin farther. We will be- 
gin in 17^£j at the time when the then ministry formed a new 
system for Ireland, and, under colour of destroying aristocratic 
power, did attack and destroy for a time, by unlimited bribery 
and corruption, whatever parliamentary power or provincial 
check had existed in this island, as has been since acknow- 
ledged by one of his Majesty's ministers, and can now not 
even be doubted. Some time after that they laid an embargo 
on the provision trade of this country, without the consent of 
Parliament, for the sake of certain British contractors in the 
American war, and with which they continued to afflict this 
country for years, contrary to law, and destructive to com- 

About the same time they forced the Irish Parliament to 
pass an address in favour of the American war, and then to 
lend, from her own defence, a portion of her army, to right 
against the liberty of America; that is, to sacrifice her defence, 
in order to destroy her liberty. 

About the same time they introduced a clause in his Ma- 
jesty's speech from the throne, declaring, on the subject of 



American taxation, that tlte power of the British Parliament 
extended over all his Majesty's dominions ; to this speculative 
despotism they added practical tyranny, and procured a Bri- 
tish act of Parliament, imposing a tea-tax on Ireland, which 
passed in the year 1 77^> and which they transmitted to this 
country, that the tax under that act should be collected. 

Sonic time after that they afflicted this country with a per- 
petual mutiny-bill, or a military despotism, wherein our army 
was rendered, for its government, independent of the Parlia- 
ment of Ireland. 

Some time after that they tendered to this country certain 
propositions, wherein w r ere contained a tribute, to be annually 
paid by Ireland to Great Britain; also a perpetual revenue- 
bill, to collect that tribute; and, under pretence of making 
laws by reference, a substantial transfer of the regulation of 
our trade to the Parliament of Great Britain. These proposi- 
tions, so degrading, so dishonourable, one of his Majesty's 
ministers has been lately desperate enough to display, as an 
instance of their affection. 

Some time after that, in 17^9, they thought proper to re- 
voke, substantially and effectually, whatever had been gained 
in constitution ; and, in order to break down an opposi- 
tion in Parliament, did, notoriously and avowedly, buy and 
bribe the members thereof, so effectually, as to destroy 
whatever check or restraint the parliament of this country 
might administer to the power of the crown; or whatever be- 
nefit or protection the people of Ireland might expect from 
the independency of their legislature. On the same plan of 
unconstitutional and scandalous influence, did they sell the 
peerage, to procure seats in the Commons for the dependants 
of the Castle, to the dependency and the dishonour of both 
houses of Parliament ; and having, from this conduct, (aggra- 
vated, by a most unseemly and unbecoming intemperance of 
manner, and incontinence of language,) lost the confidence of 
the country, and greatly agitated the same; they then pro- 
ceeded to a system of coercion, to support their plans of cor- 
ruption, and to dragoon the people as they had bought the 

They began that system by an act, which tended, in a 
qualified manner, to disarm his Majesty's subjects, under cer- 
tain regulations, named a gunpowder-bill, and had principally 
in view to put down the Irish volunteers; and to check the 
discontent which grew from this measure, as well from their 
other measures, further measures of violence, and new causes 
of discontent were resorted to. A convention-bill, professing 

declare the iaw which it altered and framed, to disguise the 
innovation which it made, was propounded, with a view to 


prevent the existence of expression in the people, as the half 
million had been applied to prevent the existence of that ex- 
pression in the Parliament ; so that, by operation of money 
and law, the power of popular utterance should have no ex- 
istence whatsoever. The object of the bill was, the suppres- 
sion of the public voice; and the effect of the bill was, the 
creation of private conspiracy. Public volition, we submit to 
his Majesty, must exist; and his minister, who stops the na- 
tional organ, causes the explosion, and makes the subject a 
conspirator against his government, because that minister's 
government is a conspirator against the subject. 

Had not that convention-bill passed; we are told there 
would have been a convention at Athlone; we are told so 
without the least authority whatsoever ; but happy had it 
been for this country and government if such a convention 
had taken place; for then there would have been, probably, 
a reform and a peace, and his Majesty's Irish ministers would 
have been removed, and his government would have been se- 
cure. But there was no reform, and there was, instead of a 
convention, a convention-bill ; and, in order to overpower the 
host of discontents, the offspring of this bill added to the other 
measures. In order to punish additional discontents, (the effect 
of Lord Fitzwilliam's removal, and die public disappointment 
that followed ;) in order to support the Irish ministry that 
succeeded and returned with their old maxims of government, 
they thought proper to proceed against the people without 
any form or process whatsoever ; and laying aside the incum- 
brance of statute, and the delay of law, they suffered their 
general, and ether magistrates, to form themselves into a 
species of revolutionary tribunal, where these men sat without 
law, tried without law, sentenced without law, and punished 
without law; not a few individuals, but hordes, tribes, and 
generations of country people, sent a-board a tender often on 
this principle, that if tried before a court of law, they would 
probably be acquitted. His Majesty has heard of the effect 
of this policy in the mutiny of his fleet. It has been said, 
that the law was open; we submit to his Majesty, that it was 
far otherwise, for a bill of indemnity was passed, nearly in the 
style and manner of acclamation, without inquiry, the pro- 
posal of which was rejected with an outcry; which bill of in- 
demnity went to secure the offending magistrates against the 
consequences of their outrages and illegalities ; that is to say, 
in our humble conception, the poor were stricken out of the 
protection of the law, and the rich out of its penalties. And 
then another bill was passed, to give such lawless proceedings 
against his Majesty's subjects continuation ; namely, a bill to 
enable* the magistrates to perpetrate by law those offences 
f 2 


which they had before committed against it; a bill to barba- 
rize law, and to give the law itself the cast and colour of out- 
rage. By such a bill the magistrates were enabled, without 
legal process, to send on board a tender his Majesty's subjects ; 
and the country was divided into two classes, or formed into 
two distinct nations, living under the same king, and inhabit- 
ing the same island ; one consisting of the King's magistrates, 
and the other of the King's subjects; the former without re- 
straint, and the latter without privilege. 

The supporters of his Majesty's ministers have boasted of 
the effects of this bill in establishing security ; we lament that 
we cannot believe them ; and we know very well how san- 
guine they have been on similar subjects, and how miserably 
they have deluded government ami themselves. Will they 
assure his Majesty that this insurrection-bill prevented Ge- 
neral Lake's proclamation ; that it prevented the proclama- 
tion of the 1 7th of May, 1797 ; the proclamation of the 30th 
of March, I/9B, or the general's orders of the 3d of April ; 
or will they say it restored cordiality to the north, or prevent- 
ed the extent of discontent to the south ? These unfortunate 
laws, they aggravated, by making the officers of the army jus- 
tices of peace. In vain has the principle of the constitution 
required that the military should act under the civil power ; 
they transferred the civil power into the hands of the military ; 
that is to say, they made the sword the magistrate, and, of 
course, the sword the law ; they destroyed the law, and they 
disorganized the army^ and as they had destroyed the law, 
so did they disgrace the gospel. They made the clergy ma- 
gistrates, to commit their flock ; they converted the spiritual 
guide into a court-constable, and the pastor of the flock into 
the leader of detachments, whose fold became the county gaol, 
and whose flock was his prisoners. By this scandalous use of 
the clergy did they bring shame upon the church, that saw, 
we hope, with concern, the armed divine renounce his evan- 
gelic calling, forego his apostolic character, and recommend 
himself to his Majesty's ministers, by his corrupt officiousness, 
to commit and imprison his own parishioners. 

The perversion of the altar was accompanied by a measure 
as fatal to liberty as the other was to religion ; we mean the 
total and entire suppression of the liberty of the press, by the 
army acting without magistrates, and by magistrates acting 
without law, as was the case of the press in Belfast, and a 
press in Dublin ; the former repeatedly attacked, and finally 
destroyed, by military force; and the latter put down and 
robbed by the order of government, against law. We are to 
add, the suppression of a press at Cork, without any law or 
legal authority ; and we are further to add, and with concern 



we say it, that now no free press will be permitted by admi- 
nistration, and that species of liberty is, in his Majesty's king- 
dom of Ireland, totally and entirely effaced and obliterated, 
save only, as far as the grossest exercise of licentiousness is 
encouraged by his ministers, in a court journal, paid at the ex- 
pence of the people, supplied by some of the clerks of govern- 
ment, and directed against public principle and private vir- 
tue, in a strain of matchless vituperation and impudence.* 

The loss of personal liberty makes an ample portion of the 
history we relate, viz. the imprisonment of the middling or- 
ders of people, against whom no visible charge was made, ex- 
cept that they were beloved by their fellow-subjects; being 
men of a rank which placed them above the meanness of want 
and the meanness of riches; and who, by a strong constitu- 
tional understanding, and by a proud, unbending, un appal led 
spirit, had become hateful to a faction who hated the people. 
What effect, we beg to submit to his Majesty, must such a 
measure have had on the minds of their fellow-citizens, who 
saw no safety for themselves, in a system where oppression 
took its walk among the middle and orderly rank, and where 
attachment to the people had become treason to the state ? 

The effect this had on their mind is manifest, from a gene- 
ral resolution to bring home the crops of the persons so im- 
prisoned; and the dispersal of the neighbours so assembled, 
added considerably to that effect, still further increased when 
they saw most of those sufferers either triumphantly acquitted, 
or, without prosecution, enlarged, after having been seized in 
their town, torn from their families, led as traitors through 
their counties, and, for above a year, confined in a gaol; and 
now they carry about in their own person the living evidence 
of a convicted government and an expired constitution. 

To this oppression we submit to his Majesty the dispersal 
or prevention of county meetings, called for the purpose of 
addressing the King to remove his ministers. 

The people of Ireland had been greatly misrepresented ; 
they were neither slaves nor rebels; the powers of understand- 
ing, or of mental energy, had, in some degree, passed from 
the highest to the middle order, who had rescued their liberty 
from the Parliament of Great Britain, and would not be 
cheated out of it by the Parliament of Ireland. They were 
not to be put down by venality, nor to be divided by religion. 
That minister who determines to enslave the people, must re- 
nounce his project, or, we speak with deference, but without fear, 
ultimately wade through their blood. The people, accordingly, 
in the spring of 1797s resorted tc the constitutional ways of 

* The Dublin Journal. 
F 3 



petition, and applied to the different sheriffs to summon their 
counties, and, on refusal by the sheriff, (a dangerous courtly 
artifice to stop the prayers of the people from reaching the 
throne) they summoned themselves. What was the conse- 
quence? The petitioners were (we beg to represent to his Ma- 
jesty) confounded with rebels, and the enemies of his ministers 
were represented as the enemies of his person; the petitioners 
were answered by fresh troops from England and Scotland ; 
in some instanees the meetings were dispersed by the army, 
and, in others, were deterred by the threat of military force; 
and thus did his Majesty's ministers ratify the justice of the 
petitions against them, by adding this great and impeachable 
offence to all their other transgressions ; and thus did his Ma- 
jesty's ministers reduce Ireland to the state of a miserable 
province, whose ministers had stopped, totally and absolutely, 
the utterance of the people : in Parliament by corruption, in the 
nation by a convention bill, and in the counties by the army. 

Their plans had, however, hitherto failed ; their gun- 
powder bill had failed ; their insurrection bill had failed ; 
their suspension of the Habeas Corpus had failed ; the then 
Parliament stood on the ruins of all the rudiments of its 
own constitution, and the foundations of its own authority, 
and presented the horrid image of a legislative body stand- 
ing on the ruins of the law ; a constitutional body standing 
on the ruins of the constitution ; and a political body stand- 
ing on the ruins of every principle, political or moral. All 
this, we submit, did not succeed ; the lives and fortunes so li- 
berally pledged to the insanities of government, they did not 
succeed; the war of acts of Parliament did not succeed; his 
Majesty's ministers then laid aside all law, or affectation of 
law, aud resorted to a military government ; accordingly they 
warrant their general to issue an order to his troops to disarm 
the people, and to act without the interposition of the civil 
power. We have been told, that the army has been merciful; 
part of his army have been so, and we thank them ; but we 
submit to his Majesty what must be the condition of his Irish 
subjects, if they are to rest their lives and properties, not on 
the protection of the law, but the mercy of the troops. We 
have seen returns of the different offences committed by his 
Majesty's soldiers on the people of Ireland; they class under 
the heads of murder, rape, torture, imprisonment, and house- 
burning ; we repeat it, torture has been applied ; the people 
have been hung up by his Majesty's soldiers to force confes- 
sions; they have practised on the Irish what would disgrace 
the savage. We repeat it, — his Majesty's Irish subjects have 
been put to the torture; and we add, the Irish may be tor- 
tured, but they will not be enslaved. His Majesty's ministers 



complain of assassinations ; li is subjects complain of assassina- 
tions; we are ready to enter into the history of blood; and, 
for every drop which his ministers can charge to the account 
of his people, we can charge to their account a deluge; we 
can add violations of women, with circumstances of barbarity, 
at which the modesty of human nature shrieks. The women 
of Ireland will ever assert their characteristical superiority of 
chastity; they can resi>t the contagion of example, and every 
thing but the brutal force of his Majesty's troops. Such out- 
rage, in a susceptible and sanguine country, must produce pas- 
sions the least governable, and revenges the most deadly, and 
madden the brain of the nation to resolves very wild, very 
daring, and very natural. But we leave that subject to a col- 
lection of horrid crimes, which, we understand, is compiled to 
make its appearance, observing only, that in order to judge of 
the cruelties committed on the lower orders, we should sup- 
pose the same committed on those in the higher rank of life. 
Let us suppose a Lord-Lieutenant picketted, Lords of the 
council put to the torture, members of the two Houses sent 
to the fleet, their children hung up to extort confession, their 
daughters ravished, and a bill of indemnity passed for the 
perpetrators of all this. What would be his Majesty's feelings 
on such an occasion ? Exactly such as are now the feelings of 
his Irish subjects. We lament the murder of certain unfor- 
tunate persons of the higher rank ; we find no bill of indem- 
nity in their case: and if we, and those of their order, sym- 
pathize so much in their catastrophe, how generally must the 
common people sympathize with one another? The compas- 
sion of the rich, if extended to the poor and the people, 
is humanity; but, if confined to themselves, is the impudence 
of wrath ! if those who lament the sufferings of the one will 
not see the other; if they support a minister committing 
the other ; if they cry out when an attack is made on a palace, 
and connive at the burning of a village; if they arc inflamed 
when one of their own rank is a>sassinatc\l, but are satisfied 
when the peasantry are collectively murdered ; we appeal 
to his Majesty's own feelings, what, in such a case, is the hu- 
manity of his ministers, and their abettors ? Here we per- 
ceive and lament the effects of inveteracy, conceived by his 
Majesty's ministers against the Irish. " Irritable and quel- 
lable, devoted to superstition, deaf to law, and hostile to pro- 
perty;" such was the picture, which, at different times, his 
ministers in Ireland have painted of his people, with a latent 
view to flatter the English by the degradation of the Irish ; 
and by such sveophantship and malice they have persuaded 
themselves to consider their fellow-subjects as a different spe- 
cies of human creature, fair objects of religious proscription 

¥ t 



and political incapacities, but not of moral relationship or mo- 
ral obligation. Accordingly, they have granted indemnity to 
the rich, and inflicted new pains and penalties on the people ; 
they have given felonious descriptions of his Majesty's subjects, 
and have easily persuaded themselves to exercise felonious 
practices against their lives and properties; they have become 
as barbarous as their system, and as savage as their descrip- 
tions ; and now it seems they have communicated to the Bri- 
tish minister at once their deleterious maxims and their foul 
expressions, and he too indulges and wantons in villainous 
discourses against the people of Ireland, sounding the horrid 
trumpet of carnage and separation. 

We leave these scenes, they are dreadful ; a ministry in 
league with the abettors of the Orange-boys, and at war with 
the people; a people unable to procure a hearing in cither 
country, while the loquacity of their enemies besieges the 

We leave the history of the minister, and proceed to that 
of the people. We shall confine ourselves to three bright 
passages, and when we set forth their achievements we must 
set forth their difficulties. We begin with the free trade. 
Here they had to contend against the government and the Par- 
liament of both kingdoms; they saw the expensive courses of 
domestic government, (coupled with commercial restrictions, 
with the war and the embargo,) reduce, in or about the year 
1778, the state to bankruptcy, and the people to beggary. 
The British government saw the same thing, and, in our ap- 
proaching ruin, learning the effects of its own policy, conceiv- 
ed, with infinite caution, the idea of commercial relaxation. 
Five bills were, about that time, brought into the British Par- 
liament, with much parade of bounty and concession. Three 
of them were two insignificant to be remembered ; two of 
those bills were less unworthy of notice, one purported to per- 
mit an export from Ireland to the British plantations, or the 
settlements on the coast of Africa, of all our manufactures ex- 
cept woollen ; the other the import of all their produce, to- 
bacco excepted. The import bill not excepting sugar, was 
thought too extensive, and the export, with a new exception 
in the instance of cotton, was passed ; and those five wretched 
bills, cut down to one wretched bill, rendered more wretched 
by a new exception, and which never would have been known 
in Ireland, but for the reluctance with which it was passed in 
England, was displayed to this country as food for the hungry, 
and raiment for the naked. It will be asked, what part did 
the Parliament of Ireland take on this occasion ? It rejected 
an address declaring this measure inadequate, and substituted 
an apology for an address, in a declaration expressive of 



thanks for favours already granted, and an indolent hope that 
such favours would be extended. 

The British minister, finding that our thanks and our ruin 
were perfectly compatible, sent dispatches to this country, for 
information more authentic than that of her Parliament. The 
commissioners of the revenue answer ; and so heart-broken 
was the country at that moment, that the commissioners, 
slating the cause, extent, and remedy of public distress, do 
not venture to touch on the sound of free trade. They do not 
even venture to name a woollen trade; they mention the im- 
pediment interposed by the American war to emigration from 
Ireland, as one cause of her distress; they state the bill which 
we have just mentioned, and disposed of, as a great means of 
commerce and object of gratitude ; and add, that an import 
trade, from the plantations and America, would be adequate. 
How then did the country get a free trade ? By the exertions 
of the people. Who opposed the motion for free trade? 
The minister. Who proposed to bury that question in the 
grave of a committee? The minister. Who opposed the mo- 
tion to refuse new taxes until the restoration of free trade ? 
The minister. W T ho opposed the six months' money bill? The 
minister. We appeal to his Majesty, whom are we to thank 
for free trade, his people or his minister ? " Frightened into 
concession by the menaces of Ireland; frightened out of 
them by the menaces of England, he was frightened back 
again." This is the account which the late Mr. Burke gave 
of the motives of the minister in that his transaction with Ire- 
land. But even in this period, this period of popular virtue, 
this period of ministerial panic, this period of their conster- 
nation, for it was not concession, the minister had the pre- 
caution to preserve the parliamentary supremacy of Great 
Britain ; he but half repealed the glass act ; he chose a word 
of curious and select operation, the word expediency in the 
repeal of the woollen act; he kept the mutiny act; he kept 
the navy act; he kept a multitude of silent trade-laws; and 
he retained also an operative post-office; he preserved the 
splinter of the despotism, and gave the country every thing in 
trade, except his power of taking it all back again. 

We come now to the second period of Irish achievement. 
Here the people had still greater difficulties to contend against; 
scarce had the acts of free trade been passed, when the minister 
took precautions against a free constitution. In an address 
from the Lords he stigmatized, at misguided men, those who 
contended for the independence of the Irish Parliament; he 
accompanied that address by resolutions in the Commons, 
couched in terms of gratitude for trade restored, but intended 
to dissolve the spirit of the times, and to operate against the con- 



stitution demanded; resolutions attended with a dissolute joy 
and fictitious thanksgiving, wherein men make peace with the 
government for the crime of past services to the country, by 
undertaking to check her progress, and blast her growth. 
Agreeable to their determination of opposition to the inde- 
pendency of the Irish Parliament, the then representative of 
administration canvassed the Irish House of Commons in the 
following memorable expressions : " Sir, — We hope you 
are against all constitutional questions." Agreeable to this 
determination two letters were sent from the Earl of Hils- 
borough, then one of the Secretaries of State, to the govern- 
ment of this country, one directing it to oppose all latent 
claims of the Irish nation ; meaning, by latent claims, the in- 
dependency of the Irish Parliament ; the other directing it to 
oppose the introduction of an Irish mutiny bill on the prin- 
ciple, meaning by the principle, " the legislative competency 
of the British Parliament to make law for this kingdom." 
Agreeable to this determination, the declaration of right was 
rejected ; it was rejected as a measure of separation, that is 
to say, as the Catholic bill was afterwards resisted, as an Irish 
mutiny bill was resisted, as the reform of Parliament was re- 
sisted, and as conciliation is now resisted ; agreeably to this 
determination, the propounded modification of Poyning's law 
was rejected, and a perpetual mutiny bill was passed, with a 
clause of reference, whereby the Parliament of England was, 
in substance, enabled to make articles of war for Ireland in 
all time to come. Twice, in the ensuing session, was the 
claim of right, and twice was the modification of Poyning's 
law rejected; and twice was the sense of Parliament taken in 
favour of a perpetual mutiny bill, by majorities in all these 
instances, so immense in number, as to overpower their own 
privileges ; but so slight in character, and so criminal in con- 
duct, that the Irish secretary,* on the downfal of his party, pre- 
cipitated to England to propose, and did propose, crudely in- 
deed, and without authority, that very claim of right which 
the people had secured in his defiance, which he himself, with 
that majority, had, a few weeks before, repeatedly rejected, 
and had, in the speeches of his courtiers, and the pamphlets 
of his dependents, outraged, traduced, and stigmatized. How, 
then, did Ireland obtain her claim of right ? we submit to his 
Majesty. She obtained it by the exertions of his people, by 
the fall of his ministry, and the defeat of their projects; these 
were the events which carried the claims of Ireland so trium- 
phantly, that the very persons who had voted against, then, 
under a new administration, voted for that claim, and the 

* Mr. Eden, afterwards Lord Auckland. 


measures connected with it ; and added, in an unanimous ad- 
dress, that they tendered that claim as they did their lives; 
declaring also, that their own rejection of that measure, and 
the measures connected with it, was a principal cause of dis- 
content and jealousy. Who, then, are we to thank principally 
tor this measure? his Majesty's people, or his Majesty's mi- 
nisters ? Wc are ready to allow its share of merit to the then 
Parliament, and a very considerable degree of merit in the 
new and momentary English minister* of that period, assisting 
and meeting, cordially and frankly, the wishes of the people 
of Ireland, observing, that there never was any English mi- 
nister so much slandered by the court of Dublin, nor more 
respected by the people. 

These exertions have been, by one of his Majesty's Irish 
ministers, called clamour. We appeal to his Majesty^s can- 
dour, and ask, whether the struggle to recover the independ- 
ency of the Irish Parliament, against the power of England, 
and under the frown of the government of the two countries, 
was clamour? Was the struggle to restore the judicature of 
the Lords, without their stir, clamour ? Was the struggle to 
limit the perpetual mutiny bill, and make the army dependent 
on the Parliament, clamour ? Was the struggle to abolish the 
legislative usurpations of the council, clamour? Was the 
struggle to obtain a free trade, clamour? If so, then was the 
petition of right, clamour; the revolution, clamour; and the 
act which placed his Majesty's family on the throne, clamour. 

The volunteers are no more, but their memory lives to an- 
swer their defamer. His Majesty's ministers in Ireland may 
praise the constitution ; but it was the volunteers who raised 
tho^e pillars on which that praise must be recorded. There 
was heat, there was excess, there was inconstancy, which, by 
moments, affected that immense and that sanguine battalion ; so, 
in the great works of nature, and in the rivers that bring ferti- 
lity along with them, wc find irregularity and deluge ; shall 
we, therelore, pronounce the Shannon a nuisance? They did, 
we allow, sometimes overflow ; they mixed mud in the abund- 
ance of their waters; but it was on that tide that Ireland 
mailed so gallantly into harbour, with her free trade and free 
constitution : averse to that glorious spectacle, stood the angry 
and jealous spirit of our ministers, chronicling the acts, and 
noting the errors of those very volunteers, which, at that 
very moment, that very ministry, in both houses of Parlia- 
ment, thanked for their deserts; deserts which we are not to 
estimate by the existing difficulties of the day, but the diffi- 
culties, depression, and degradation of ages, through which 

* -Mr. Fox. 


they had to elaborate. If we consider, that the people who 
had thus associated for the defence of the realm, and added 
the cause of trade and liberty, without which that realm did 
not deserve to be defended, had been in a great measure ex- 
cluded from the intercourse of the rest of the world; that they 
had, for one hundred years, been ground to the earth by com- 
mercial, political, and religious tyranny; that their domestic 
ministers had been the provincial slaves of another country, 
licensed to exercise certain predatory plundering privileges 
over their own ; that the little learning which was not pro- 
hibited, was rocked in the cradle of prejudice. We say, if 
we consider that this people, so exiled, so impoverished, so 
plundered, so persecuted, so enslaved, so disfranchised, did, at 
last, spontaneously associate, unite, arm, array, defend, illus- 
trate, and free their country, overawe bigotry, silence riot, and 
produce, out of their own head, armed capa-pee, like wisdom 
issuing from the head of the thunderer, commerce and consti- 
tution ; what shall we say of such a people? What shall we say 
of the oppressors of such a people ? Have those oppressors 
forgotten the generous offer of those volunteers, on the ex- 
pected invasion, and the probable effect of that offer, when 
government had left us no army, and when we had no de- 
fence, save only those volunteers? Have those oppressors 
compared our present insecurity with a military charge of be- 
tween three and four millions, and our then security, without 
any additional charge whatsoever ? If they have, let them de- 
clare who have defended his Majesty's crown and dignity 
against a foreign enemy ; the men who freed the nation, or 
the ministry who enslaved her ; the volunteers or the tyrant ? 
Let the Lords and Commons, with decorum we speak it, go 
to their church ; they have returned thanks to the admirals 
for their victories, let them return thanks to the people for 
their being, or rather, let them return thanks to their God for 
their political existence recovered by that people; let the 
youth of the country go to the grave of the volunteer; it is 
at the tomb of departed patriotism, where youth is to be 
trained to virtue; let them frequent that grave ; there the gar- 
land will be ever green, and the warm heart, and the tears of 
the nation will be there ; and, from a due contemplation over 
the great inhabitant of that tomb, let them collect a conscious 
elevation of soul, and a prouder sense of existence. Here 
Majesty itselfj withdrawing its ear from the poisonous sug- 
gestions of his ministers, may reflect, with pride, on the faith- 
ful Irishman, who, when encouraged and trusted, is capable 
of every thing which is great, of every thing which is free, of 
every thing which is loyal. <c Oh ! thou that humblest the 
proud, and clothest the naked, look down on this man in the 


day of his travail, so govern his spirit, and soften his rulers 
that thy will maybe fulfilled, and thy people may be free !" 

Why do we say these things ? to show that the Irish are 
governable, that a military government is unnecessary to pre- 
serve the connection, — that a union is unnecessary, — that 
there is no reason for saying, that liberty, (constitutional li- 
berty), which has not yet been tried, is insufficient. 

We come now to the next measure that deserves the name 
of achievement ; it is the grant of the Catholic franchise ; 
what difficulties had not the Catholics to encounter ? They 
were reviled in every court publication ; the Presbyterians 
were reviled for supporting them ; a new word of Presbyter 
Catholic was invented to comprehend the vituperation of both : 
the court endeavoured to divide them from one another; they 
tampered with their nobility, they tampered with their clergy, 
the publications of the ministers charged on the united Irish- 
men that crime of which the court was guilty, " detaching the 
Catholic aristocracy from the Catholic people," it was the mi- 
nistry who detached the chiefs from the people, and not the 
united Irishmen who detached the people from their chiefs; 
that ministry assailed them every where, in Parliament, and out 
of it, by a tempest of abuse, on their religion, profession, char- 
acter, and appellation ; they declared that the communication 
of the elective franchise would be the overthrow of the Protestant 
religion, and the British connection ; and, pursuant to that 
allegation, they not only opposed the Catholic petition, but 
rejected it ; and added the rejection of the petition of the 
Presbyterians in their favour, teaching the two sects, by a com- 
mon insult, to acknowledge a common interest. The peti- 
tioners, whom they had thus banished from the bar of the 
House of Commons, the minister pursued into the county, 
and, in some cases, sent, and, in all, encouraged, resolutions 
to be entered into by grand juries, declaring their deter- 
mination never to admit the Catholics to a participation of the 
elective franchise in any time to come; that is, they denounc- 
ed the hopes and liberties of their Catholic brethren, without 
reserve, saving contingency or condition as a great fundamen- 
tal principle of their political existence; and an eternal attri- 
bute of their faith, political, moral, and religious ; they perse- 
cuted those your Majesty's subjects, and persecuted, until they 
persecuted them into a convention ; and they persecuted the 
deputies of that convention into Great Britain, and letters 
were there dispatched by persons connected with that court, 
and given into the hands of some of the royal family, to be 
laid before his Majesty, containing an account of certain mur- 
ders committed in Ireland, to convey an insinuation of a Ca- 
tholic plot, to murder his Majesty's Protestant subjects, 



About this time, certain great events took place on the conti- 
nent, and his Majesty's English cabinet, influenced by those 
events, and by his Majesty's royal disposition, recommended 
to the Irish ministry and Parliament, the case of their Catho- 
lic fellow subjects, and then, that very ministry and its abettors, 
who had reviled their claim, had abused their persons, had in- 
sulted their petition, had declared that the communication of 
that elective franchise would overset the Protestant church, 
would overturn the Protestant government, would destroy the 
British connection, voted against that Protestant religion, (as 
by this declaration it should seem,) against that Protestant go- 
vernment, pursuant to the commands of the British cabinet, 
and against that British connection ; and then did the British 
cabinet continue that self-convicted Irish ministry to govern 
the country, that is to say, to blast conciliation, to scourge the 
people, and to insult the nation. Here we beg leave to ask 
his Majesty, who are his people to thank for this restoration of 
privilege ? 

We have submitted to his Majesty, for some years back, the 
conduct of his ministers and of his people ; we now come to 
answer the charges of the former against the latter ; they 
amount principally to two charges. First, that the people are 
the aggressors ; the second, that the experiment of conciliation 
has been fully and repeatedly tried. Most absolutely do we 
deny both ; on the contrary, we affirm, not only that the ag- 
gression was on the part of the minister, but that the policy of 
the ministers, towards this country, has been little less than a 
course of aggression, interrupted by the fears of the British ca- 
binet imposing its commands on the desperate meanness of 
the cabinet of Ireland, and then relapsing into violence, as it 
recovered from apprehension. 

We pass over, in the history of aggression, the long and 
mighty account of a hundred years, and the extinction of our 
existence, political and commercial, for that period, observing, 
that this period, by one of our ministers, has been described as 
auspicious, and, observing further, that the utmost imaginable 
bounty of his Majesty's ministers to this country, after so long 
a suffering, might be a reparation to her feelings, but would 
not be a compensation to her interest ; which reflection should, 
wherever his Majesty's ministers speak of Ireland, impose on 
them the duty of modesty and reserve. We pass over that 
aggression, and state the offence committed at an early period 
of the reign, namely, 1768, the destruction of the liberty of the 
subject, by the purchase of its Parliament, an enormity ad- 
mitted by one of his Majesty's ministers in the House of Com- 
mons, and stated to have cost the nation half a million. We 
state another act of aggression, said to have been committed 



in the proclamation for imposing for years, without the consent 
of Parliament, an embargo on our provision trade; another, 
the enaction of a tea tax, imposed on Ireland by the British 
Parliament, and transmitted to the commissioners to be col- 
lected. We submit, that, in all these different proceedings, 
the acts of aggression, together with the criminal wish, and 
aggressive principle, in the heart of his Majesty's minister to- 
wards Ireland, when uncontroled by foreign events, are fully 
established and demonstrated. But, it will be said, that all 
this was done away by the acquisitions of 1782; we wish- it 
had bc^n so ; but will posterity believe, that, seven years after 
that acquisition, a minister of the Crown,* speaking in Parlia- 
ment, did declare, that a practice of buying the Parliament of 
Ireland for half a million, had been formerly resorted to, and 
must, if opposition persisted, again be practised; the subject 
was not, as has. been pretended, the new places, but a charge 
on the opposition, who were told that a similar opposition had 
caused such an expense, and that the then opposition would 
cause a much greater one. It is in vain to equivocate: the 
words were uttered, the minister may have forgotten, but the 
people remember them, and several of us were witnesses to 
them ; nor was it merely the minister's expression, it was his 
sentiment, it was his measure. The threat was put into the 
fullest execution ; the canvass of that ministry was every where, 
in the House of Commons, in the lobby, in the street, at the 
door of the parliamentary undertakers, rapped at, and worn, 
by the little caitiffs of government, who offered amnesty to 
some, honours to others, and corruption to all, and, where the 
word of the Viceroy was doubted, they offered their own. 
Accordingly, we find, a number of parliamentary provisions 
were created, and divers. peerages sold with such effect, that the 
same Parliament, who had voted the chief governor a criminal, 
did, immcdate! y after, give that very governor implicit support : 
and the subsequent Parliament did, under the same influence, 
on the Catholic question, on the pension question, on the place 
question, vote and unvote, and turn and change, according to 
the orders of government, with a versatility that made an in- 
dignant public cry, shame upon them. This policy was an 
attack on the moral, as well as the constitutional, system, and 
guaranteed political slavery, by moral prostitution, proposing 
that the gentlemen of Parliament should be systematically 
robbers, in order that the people should be systematically 
slaves. It was a condition on which no freedom, no govern- 
ment, no religion, no connection, no throne, cotdd long rest. 

* Mr. Fitzgibbon (Attorney-General.) 


PF.TrrroN to his majesty. 

It was the renunciation of the repeal of the 6th of George I., 
and a repeal of the act of renunciation, transferring the legis- 
lative function of the Irish Parliament in full power and do- 
minion to the British cabinet. All the clubs, whig club, uni- 
ted Irishmen, &c. grew out of that measure. All the public 
disconsents which have been the theme of government, grew 
out of that measure and its consequences. Could it be other- 
wise ? Could that people, who had refused to obey the autho- 
rity of the English Parliament, allow the legislative usurpation 
of its cabinet? What now becomes of that interrogatory, 
which demands, why the people were not, pursuant to the de- 
claration, satisfied with repeal and renunciation ? What ! sa- 
tisfied with being cheated ? With being handed over from a 
British Parliament to a British cabinet ? We ask, could that 
people, who had refused to obey the legislative authority of the 
Parliament of England, obey the legislative usurpation of her 
cabinet, founded on the purchase of the Irish Parliament, and 
the sale of the Irish nation ? Could that people, who had arm- 
ed for their country, her defence, and her freedom ; who had 
recovered her trade, restored her independency, established a 
great, (and it shall not be our fault if it be not an immortal,) 
name, cancel that renown, renounce that liberty, endanger that 
commerce, surrender that independency, and consent to be 
canted like stock, and, as slaves, to be transferred to the legis- 
lative yoke of the cabinet of another country, in covin with 
the subaltern tyranny of the cabinet of their own, in the hands 
of a ministry who had opposed the claims of the country, 
mourned over her acquisitions, bartered away her indepen- 
dency, blemished her character, and insulted her spirit? Could 
they, who are charged with the crime of a refusal of amnesty 
from the Marquis of Buckingham, give that nobleman amnesty 
for a conduct which they themselves had just condemned, and 
which he, by subsequent malefactions, had greatly aggravated ? 
Could they, who are charged by the publication of the minister 
with a declaration pledging themselves to satisfaction, as far 
as regarded England, in the establishment of legislative and 
judicial independency, entertain satisfaction in the loss of that 
independency, and support the instruments of provincial go- 
vernment, who had purloined that independency ? Could 
they forget who they were, and who that ministry was, and 
derogate from themselves so far, as to sink into its little com- 
rade in its dirty doings, the purchase of the Parliament, the 
transfer of the legislature, the sale of the peerage, and the per- 
secution of the Catholics ? In what country do we write this ? 
To what ear do we address ourselves ? In the presence of a 
people claiming to be free, and before their sovereign, whose 


greatest glory is to be appointed the king of a free people, do 
we interpose once more our solemn protest against the pro- 
ceedings and sentiments above related, as polluted, desperate, 
shameless, and incorrigible. If ever there shall be, in this 
country, a rebellion, those proceedings, and the measures 
adopted in support of those proceedings, will be the cause of 
it ; if ever there shall be a separation of Ireland from Great 
Britain, those proceedings, and the measures adopted to sup- 
port those proceedings, will be the cause of it ; if the admi- 
nistration of this country became afterwards a government of 
coercion, and after a government of blood, those proceedings 
were the cause. Against them, against the strain of sentiments 
which suggested them, against the melancholy train of cala- 
mities which followed from them, and against the bloody train 
of consequences which threaten, we beg once more to enter 
our most solemn protest. 

Before we close the scene; we call on his Majesty's ministers 
in both countries. We have stated, not mischiefs, but viola- 
tions, not evil measures, but deadly productive principles of 
evil. We ask them, in the presence of both nations, in the 
presence of their king, to whom we appeal against them ? We 
ask, whether the monstrous bribery of the Irish Parliament 
in 1769, to break down national party, and Irish influence, 
and to substitute therein a British minister's domination ? 
Whether an embargo on the export of our provision, imposed 
by proclamation, without the consent of Parliament, and con- 
tinued for years, with a view to serve certain British contrac- 
tors in the American war ? Whether these acts were a subver- 
sion of the fundamental rights and liberties of the subject ? 
Whether a tea-tax, imposed by the British Parliament on the 
people of Ireland in 1779, was an attempt to subvert the fun- 
damental rights and liberties of the subject? Whether a per- 
petual mutiny bill, forming an army, independent of Parlia- 
ment, was a subversion of the fundamental rights and liberties 
of the subject ? Whether a tribute, contained in the proposi- 
tions, was an attempt to subvert the fundamental rights and 
liberties of the subject ? Whether the second purchase of Par- 
liament, in 1789, was the subversion of the fundamental rights 
and liberties of the subject ? Whether the transfer of legisla- 
ture, the consequence of that purchase to the British cabinet, 
was the subversion of the fundamental rights and liberties of 
the subject ? Was the sale of the peerage, for the purchase of 
the Commons, a subversion of the fundamental rights and li- 
berties of the subject? Let his Majesty's ministers look to their 
dates, and say, whether any conspiracy in any description of 
men, be charged, even by themselves, to have existed, before 



they committed, against the people of our country, these deadly 
and recorded atrocities ? We ask again, was the transporta- 
tion of the country people a-board a tender, without judge, 
or jury, or process, a subversion of the fundamental rights 
and liberties of the subject ? We ask, did the military organi- 
zation of the country, of which they have complained, exist 
before that time ? We, therefore, in common with our fellow- 
subjects, who are not now permitted to meet, arraign those 
ministers; let them come forth. That calamitous minister*, 
who has lately inveighed against the Irish, and who now en- 
deavours to sharpen the minds of his countrymen, for an Irish, 
as his predecessors did for an American, war ; the other in- 
flammatory minister f, who seems to have transmitted to the 
cabinet of England his fury and his folly ; in the presence of 
His Majesty, we arraign them, as the authors of the distrac- 
tion of Ireland ; and we affirm, that they subverted the fun- 
damental rights and constitution of the land, before their 
charge supposes any description of the people to have con- 
spired against the government. 

We have answered the charge of aggression ; we come to 
that of conciliatic 1 : the first experiment of conciliation was 
in 1782. We beg to consider the nature of that experiment; 
it was an experiment to accomplish impossibilities, to recon- 
cile the ancient government of jobbers and dependents, with 
the new spirit of the people, who had recovered their consti- 
tution, by obtaining a victory over that government ; it was 
an attempt to unite the hoary decrepitude of the old jobbing 
ministry and the borough Parliament, with the dignity, the 
expectations, the exigencies, and the feelings of what was em- 
phatically called- — young Ireland. 

The business of the repeal and renunciation was settled ; 
one of the objects of the claim of right had been, to oblige the 
Parliament of England to withdraw its claim of legislature ; 
and the people had at first conceived the repeal of the act 
containing that claim to be sufficient; they afterward changed 
their mind, — no matter; they changed their mind without 
legal ground, and against the best legal authorities, but under 
considerable authorities notwithstanding ; they had the autho- 
rity of an experienced and consummate senator :f ; they had 
the authority of a corps, styling itself a corps of lawyers, (they 
have since been less sanguine,) enrolling the names of several 
respectable barristers, and using the name of the bar to in- 
fluence the people. They had the secret fomentation of some 
of the old court, who, being discountenanced for that moment 

* Mr. Pitt. 

t Lord Clare. 

t Mr. Flood. 


for their past opposition to regular liberty, had retired to its 
excesses. Have the abettors of this doubt been rewarded? 
Have some of them been made marquisses. and some of them 
judges, and shall we denounce the people ? The dispute being, 
however, settled, and the momentary administration of Lord 
Northington, (every patriot administration in Ireland has been 
momentary,) that administration under which several bene- 
ficial regulations and laws, constitutional and commercial, had 
passed, being removed, and the old court returning in plen- 
itude of power, to meet an Irish Parliament in plenitude of 
independency, it remained for that Parliament to act, and 
that Parliament would do nothing. The people saw the 
English manufacturers in possession of our market, a posses- 
sion obtained by unjust and despotic regulations, and not the 
result of fair rivalship ; they knew that their Parliament, till 
that oera, wanted the power to recover these markets; they 
saw the Irish gentleman clothed, as he had been governed, by 
the British manufacturer ; they knew as well as their minister 
that the wool of the country might not at all times equal her 
consumption ; but then they knew better, it seems, than that 
minister, that it was more expedient to work Spanish wool in 
Ireland, than to export Irish wool and buy English cloth in 
Great Britain ; they therefore called on their Parliament to pro- 
tect their trade, but this call their Parliament thought proper to 
refuse, and decided against the establishment of their own 
manufactures in their own markets; they decided also against 
the re-export of foreign produce. 

The act of navigation had not in form passed in Ireland, 
there were doubts whether it had passed at all, so great, that 
considerable persons in England became desirous that it should 
pass in this country verbatim; the construction which England 
had given, or the alteration which she had annexed to that 
act, had amounted to the exclusion of a re-export from Ire- 
land to Great Britain, while she enforced a re-export from 
Great Britain into Ireland : here was an opportunity of 
rectifying this misconstruction and inequality: how did the 
Parliament use this opportunity ? By suffering the continu- 
ance of this misconstruction and inequality, by rejecting two 
proposed clauses of reciprocity, and by passing the act of 
navigation for England, without a stipulation of justice or 
equality for Ireland. It afterwards bought that equality, by 
the sale of the rights of Ireland to trade to the East. How- 
did that Parliament act with respect to the extravagancies of 
government, old and new ? it allowed them all ; it rejected a 
motion to diminish the expence of collecting the revenue ; it 
provided for all the extravagant charges that were at that 
g 2 


time preferred ; it had given in new taxes 140,000/. per annum, 
on stipulation of trade and economy; instead of trade and 
economy, it got a new debt, and a new pension list, and was sa- 
tisfied. It passed a riot act, it passed a police bill, and it reject- 
ed a bill of reform. The question of reform had been more 
interesting, from the success of the question of independency ; 
the people had settled their dispute with the British Parlia- 
ment, it remained to come to a settlement with their own. 
Their Parliament was returned by the individual, not the com- 
munity; and the individual sold his compliance to the court of 
London ; the people thought it just and right, as they had by 
their own exertions shaken off the domination of an English 
Parliament, to call for an Irish one; they were quickened in 
that pursuit from the example of some of the present ministers 
of England, but we are sorry to add, that their offences against 
Ireland were a greater incentive than their example. We 
submit to His Majesty how Parliament acted on that question ; 
they rejected the reform bill under the influence of his minis- 
ter, as they had under the same influence rejected almost every 
other popular measure. 

We come now to lay before His Majesty the close of this 
first experiment of reconciliation. That Parliament, on the 
indisposition of His Majesty*, attempted to exercise a will of 
its own, and the consequence was as has been stated already, 
and acknowledged by the servants of government, His Ma- 
jesty's ministers immediately, by a monstrous increase of 
offices, avowedly bought the Parliament, and made that in- 
fluence irresistible, which had been before but too predo- 
minant. The Irish Parliament had in general complied, it 
had occasionally resisted, and to that resistance owed its 
credit; but when this inundation of corruption was let loose 
upon the Commons, little was the hope remaining that any 
combination possible, or any coalition of aristocratic and po- 
pular strength in Parliament, should affect a minister in 
Ireland, or resist the orders of the British cabinet, thus, in 
effect, possessed of the power of the Irish Parliament substan- 
tially transferred to Great Britain ; we submit to His Majesty 
what was then this experiment of conciliation. It was the in- 
dependency of the Irish Parliament in 1782, and the purchase 
of that independence in 1789, attended in the interim for the 
most part by a suspension of its exercise. Is any minister 
now so idle, so superficial, so obstinate, so uninformed, and so 
desperate, as to persist to call, in the presence of His Majesty, 
this transaction an experiment of conciliation ; an experiment 

* Question of Regency in 1789. 



after which the people perceived the same images of pollution 
in the ministry, and a vast increase of rank majority in the 
senate, and beheld in the person of the Lord Lieutenant's 
secretary, the same dictator, the representative of the English 
merchant and the British cabinet, placed in the seat of his 
predecessors, with more authority, lording it over the Irish 
Parliament, busy to suckle corruption and famish freedom, 
and active to receive from men calling themselves the repre- 
sentatives of the Irish, horrid incense, affording a spectacle so 
vile and abject, that the people turned their faces away as 
from an abomination? 

We come now to another experiment, the Catholic conces- 
sion.* There was a circumstance attending the outset of that 
experiment, extremely awkward. It could not be made with- 
out obliging the Irish Parliament and ministry to contradict 
their most solemn declaration, to do away their most decided 
acta, and to renounce that execrable creed of some months 
before, professed with the solemnity of a religious contract, 
and uttered in a roar of frenzy, of folly, of bigotry, and of a 
poor unfortunate fanatic intolerance!, so that the measure 
which should reconcile the people to the English ministry, 
must render them, if they were not so before, irreconcileablc 
to the Irish ministry and the Irish Parliament; and so sensible 
was the House of Commons of this, that a few days after its 
versatility, it voted the necessity of its own reformation ; but 
though the concession for the purpose of sinking the Irish 
ministry and Parliament was ample and complete, yet, for the 
service of the English ministry, it was scanty and ill-support- 
ed; scarce was the concession recommended from the throne, 
when the custody of this conciliation was left to the per- 
secuting party, that had forbidden the bonds of concord 
between the King and his subjects. Scarce had the Catholic 
petition been referred to the Lords, when it was charged and 
scourged by one of the ministers throwing his quiver of par- 
thian shafts at conciliation. The Catholics had passed through 
the red sea; had wandered in the desert for a hundred years; 
and when His Majesty was advised to beckon them by his 
sceptre to the borders of the promised land, his Irish ministers 
seized their leaders to hang them ; several of them were im- 
mediately tried on a capital charge, and were triumphantly 
acquitted, as they had been unjustly and ignominiously ar- 
raigned : was this conciliation ? Scarce had the bill passed, 
w hen all the influence of the Castle was exercised to keep the 
Catholics out of the corporations, and to exclude them by irv* 

1 T;)5. 

f Rejection of Catholic measures in 1792. 
G 3 



trigue from situations to which they were indeed admissible 
by law. We wish His Majesty would order his servants to 
lay before him a list of such Catholics as they have appointed 
to enjoy situations under the new act of relaxation. Scarce had 
the bill been committed, when it was declared in a speech sup- 
posed tohave been uttered and published by oneof the ministers, 
that " the Catholics could never be cordially affected to His 
Majesty, that they were as barbarous as ever, that the mass 
were only rescued from brutality by bigotry, and that, if they 
did not wish to subvert the Protestant religion, they must re- 
sist the ruling passions of the human heart."* What had been 
said if, after the revolution of 1688, the ministers of James II. 
had been the counsellors of King William ? Exactly what 
was said in Ireland when the ministers of a system of proscrip- 
tion were made the guardians of a system of liberality, and 
the scolds of the people the ministers of conciliation ; when, 
on a plan of reconciling the Irish by parliamentary constitu- 
tion and Catholic emancipation, those ministers were retained 
w ho had given the one expressly a cordial disapprobation f, 
and had called the other an act of insanity. 

Here then is the second experiment; an experiment on the 
affection of a numerous community, commencing in inequa- 
lity, accompanied with vituperation, resisted in execution, and 
committed to the care of its most inveterate enemies. 

But in order to lay before His Majesty the grounds where- 
by to make a full and fair estimate of the merits of the second 
experiment ; we will consider the third — the appointment of 
Earl Fitzwilliam to the government of Ireland. Here is an 
experiment of conciliation, where a Lord Lieutenant was sent 
to this country with professed powers of concession, was per- 
mitted to get an immense supply on the credit of those 
powers, and then was recalled before the concession was made, 
on the professed charge of having resorted to the experiment 
of conciliation ; we are to add, that His Majesty's subjects 
having very generally petitioned on the subject of this fraud 
and insult, were answered by troops. Here then are three 
experiments made by His Majesty's ministers on the affections 
of his Irish subjects; the first, where the thing conceded was 
substantially withdrawn. The second, where the enemies of 
the conciliation were continued in the ministry ; and the third, 
where the viceroy was recalled for making the experiment. 

" You got a repeal, and you were not satisfied ; a renun- 
ciation, and you were not satisfied ; a place bill, and you were 
not satisfied; a pension bill, and you were. not satisfied; a 

* Speech of Earl of Clare. 

f Speech of Mr. Fitzgibbon against the declaration of Irish Rights. 



responsibility bill, and you were not satisfied ;" says the mi- 
nister. We answer: What was the object of the people on 
the repeal? what in the renunciation? what in the place? 
what in the pension bill? An Irish independent Parlia- 
ment, with a Commons chosen by the people — did they 
get such a House of Parliament? Let the minister answer 
that question. 

These measures were concessions to clamour, says the mi- 
nister, and it is because they were felt by the minister as con- 
cessions to what they call clamour, that they were in execu- 
tion inadequate, in effect unsatisfactory, and in process of time 
were evaded and eluded. 

" You got a place-bill," sny the minister; no ! such bills, of 
different extents and different modifications, had been repeat- 
edly introduced, and repeatedly rejected; and then, in the 
panic of 1793, instead of a place-bill, a bill calling itself by 
that name; but, in fact, an elusion of a place-bill was proposed 
by the minister, renounced by the opposition, and passed by 
the Parliament; a bill which disqualified but a few offices, — 
put down none, — and was accompanied or followed by a vast 
increase of influence, mediate or immediate. You got a pen- 
sion-bill, says the minister; yes — but a pension-bill without 
its object: what was the object of a place and pension-bill to 
the opposition, for they were never primary objects of the 
people — the internal reform of Parliament ; and what was 
the effect of the minister's place and pension bill? An evasion 
of that reform, and the retention and the increase of undue 
influence. Shall we observe on the treasury or responsibility 
bill ? Enough to say it had been delayed for above a year 
after it had been promised, and was finally secured by Lord 
Fitzwilliam's administration, by certain regulations then 
passed, and under all the circumstances of influence above- 
mentioned, amounted to responsibility in His Majesty's mi- 
nisters to themselves ; in these measures we submit to His 
Majesty, his ministers gave the bills, but kept the Parliament. 

One of His Majesty's ministers has arraigned the people 
for stirring commercial questions, after having through their 
Parliament engaged, that, on the admission of their claims of 
right, as far as concerns the two nations, constitutional ques- 
tions should cease. We will not suffer the enemy of the 
claim of right to become its commentator, and we cannot 
but marvel at a remark which supposes the word constitu- 
tional to be another word, namely, commercial ; and to mean, 
that a satisfaction in commercial inequality and injustice, 
should be the result of the establishment of constitutional 
equality and independence; in the same strain of inanity, it is 
G 4 


charged, that an application for the redress of domestic 
abuses, was a departure from the pledge of satisfaction in the 
address of J 7&2. That pledge speaks of constitutional ques- 
tions between the two nations, which the remarker supposes 
to mean all commercial questions with England, and all kind 
of questions with our own government, of any nature what- 
ever ; it would seem by this that the people contended for a 
free constitution, to place the opponents of that constitution 
at the head of the government; we beg to observe, that that 
claim, which demanded to be legislated by no power save 
only the King, the Lords, and Commons of Ireland, did 
expressly go against a stipulation of satisfaction in a borough 
representation, to the exclusion of the Commons, and did im- 
pliedly go against an acquiescence in the appointment of the 
present administration ; a ministry who had first opposed the 
rights of their own Parliament ; afterwards, by millions or 
half millions, had rendered those rights inefficacious. With 
as little reason has the Catholic been reproached, and told, 
that in point of right he was equal to the Protestant, because 
he could sit in either Houses of Parliament, if he swore he 
was not a Catholic. This inequality, which one of the mini- 
sters denied, he afterwards justifies by an assertion, (a com- 
mon figure of speech with those ministers,) that the support 
of His Majesty's throne was, (we should say his people,) his 
minister says, a declaration containing an abhorrence of the 
Virgin Mary, and the abjuration of the real presence; that 
the Irish legislature, however competent to disfranchise, is 
incompetent to qualify the Catholic to sit in Parliament, and 
the King at his coronation, takes an oath against the privileges 
of three million of his subjects. We have done with the his- 
tory of His Majesty's ministers and their argument ; it is a 
history of crime, and a refutation of folly. 

We have done with the account which His Majesty's 
ministers have given of the people ; we close with the account 
which they have given of themselves, not in words but in 
substance: they came forward in 1789, and affirmed, that 
the Parliament of Ireland had exercised a power of indepen- 
dent legislature, which tended to separation ; and they desire, 
for the management of that Parliament, the sale of the peer- 
age, and the use of the treasury; in 1793, the same ministry 
came forward again, and gave an account of the effect of this 
operation ; and affirm, on the authority, as they say, of a re- 
port of a committee of the House of Lords, that the people 
were so exasperated, as to have determined to reform that 
Parliament by force of arms. They accordingly demand ex- 
traordinary powers for the coercion of the people, as they 



had before demanded extraordinary sums of money for the 
government of the Parliament ; they came forth again to re- 
port the effect of their second operation ; they affirm, on the 
authority, they say, of a report of committees of both Houses, 
that matters had become infinitely worse, for that the people 
of the north had actually enrolled, to the number of above 
ninety-thousand, for purposes hostile to the government; they 
therefore desire more powers, and, as law had hitherto proved 
insufficient for their purposes, they desire to be permitted to 
act without it, and to let the army loose upon the people ; in 
the course of a year, the same ministry came forward again, 
and give an account of their third experiment : they state, 
that they had lost the affections of the south as well as of the 
north ; that the province which on the former year had dis- 
played its loyalty, had changed its sentiments ; that a great 
part of Leinster, as well as of Monster, in addition to Ulster, 
had now become organized ; and that the French Directory 
had manifested a disposition to interfere for the separation of 
this island from the crown, and from Great Britain. Here 
is their system and its consequences, as substantially stated by 

We conclude our humble representation, by preferring our 
warmest wish for peace, good order, and tranquillity on all 
sides; but we think, that the surest method of establishing 
the peace of the country, is to restrain the violence of its ad- 
ministration, and, with the greatest respect, and feeling all 
attachment to His Majesty's person and family, we are bold 
to say, that if time be given for the experiment of conciliation, 
and if, before an invasion, that experiment be tried soon, ami 
fairly, and honestly ; if the removal of the integral parts of 
the administration, who never possessed the confidence of our 
country, and are now its bitterest scourge; if an emancipation 
of the Catholics, on the footing of perfect political equality, 
seconded by the honest wishes in the government, with an 
internal retbrm of Parliament; if a full, fair, and adequate 
representation of the Commons House, the parent measure of 
every other good ; if such remedies be now resorted to, we 
submit, that His Majesty will take measures which, in the 
present tremendous crisis, are the best, the wisest, and the 
soundest left, both for the strength of the government and the 
security of the crown. 


Note in Mr, Grattan's handwriting* 

This conclusion is just — the true interest of Ireland is connec- 
tion with England and not with France — there are obvious rea- 
sons — if Ireland separate, England loses her empire, and France 
prevails against the liberties of Europe — and it is folly to suppose 
that Ireland can keep her freedom after Europe is enslaved — it is 
for that reason above all that I have never listened to the idea of 
invasion or insurrection, because they lead to servitude through a 
sea of blood — but there is a middle course, such as here is pro- 
posed, uniting the two duties — the duty we owe to the country — 
and the duty we owe to the King. 

The publication of this paper I have stopped, on account of the 
sad disturbances in Ireland, least this might inflame instead of 
allaying or reconciling. 

29th May 1798. 


King's speech to his English Parliament, in 1774- 
Act of the English Parliament, imposing a tea-tax on Ire- 
land, in 1779. 

Publication of a speech in the name of the Chancellor*, in 
January 1793. 

Ditto, in the spring of 1793. 

Proclamation for laying an embargo on the export of Irish 
provision, without the consent of Parliament, in 1776. 

See rejection of the petition of the Catholics, in 1792. 

Of the petition of the Presbyterians in 1792. — Irish Journal. 

See rejection of motions on reciprocal commerce, see debate 
of 1787. 

For new Parliamentary provisions in the administration of 
1768, see the establishment of 1770, 1771, and 1772. 
For those of 1789, see the establishment of 1798. 

* John Fitzgibbon, Earl of Clare. 




To the Editor of the Courier. 


I resopt to your paper to communicate a letter to certain 
description of persons in Ireland, who have been extremely 
busy in their attacks on me, and who deserve not absolute 
silence, nor yet much notice. * 

I choose to begin with that rank which I respect most, the 
merchants; and were those persons using the name of that 
corporation the mercantile body of Dublin, I should be sorry 
indeed; not because I allow that the whole body, much as I 
Respect them, could, by a scandalous proceeding, bear down 
my character, but because I should be afflicted that by such a 
proceeding they had forfeited their own. I feel myself so 
linked and connected with every thing which belongs to the 
great body of the people of Ireland, that a comprehensive 
description of them could not, by any injustice, disgrace itself, 
without involving their natural friend and advocate in their 
degradation. Happy am I, however, that the persons in ques- 
tion are no more the merchants of Dublin than they are the 
people of Ireland; on the contrary, that they are an inconsi- 
derable gathering, actuated by what folly or faction I care not, 
who have, in the charge against me, uttered not only what 
cannot be true, but what is recorded to be false: they have 
said, that they have legal evidence that I was concerned in the 
late rebellion, and the only matter they could have had before 
them was the report of the Committee of the Irish Lords, 
which is no legal evidence of any charge whatever against me: 
and which, if it were, is not evidence of that crime; so that 
those men, calling themselves the Guild of Merchants of 

* Mr. Grattan's name had been erased from the Privy Council and the 
Guild of Merchants. 



Dublin, have asserted, published, and sealed, a self- convicted 
falsehood. I lament to be forced to use such words, and yet 
they are the mildest words such a conduct deserves, and must 
be understood by them and applied to them in a sense the most 
unmeasured, and the most unqualified. 

To the Corporation of Dublin I wish to say a word : they 
are not the citizens of Dublin ; they are not even a considerable 
part of them, and they never spoke their spirit nor their senti- 
ments ; but as they have the honour of appertaining to the city, 
they are entitled to a degree of attention ; and the best method 
of showing it, is by advising them to be less fond of displaying 
themselves on every occasion. There are cases where their 
exertions are proofs of their folly, and where their repose 
would be an argument of their wisdom. All ministers, all 
men in power, all clerks, and the whole mob and rabble of the 
court, have been so sweltered with their charms, that it now 
requires a more than popular appetite to encounter their em- 
braces; but very little share of philosophy to endure their dis- 
pleasure. They ever wait on the wink of power to praise or 
persecute, and to blemish a reputation by unjust calumny, or 
unmeaning panegyric. With respect to them, with respect 
to the other corporation, with respect to all persons adopting 
similar proceedings, I am inclined to attribute much less to 
malice, and much more to folly ; a good deal to influence, a 
good deal to servility, and to that low, impotent, persecuting 
spirit, by which the slavish mind shows its devotion at the 
expence of its understanding. 

I ought not to be angry with these men, because I am one 
of the few of His Majesty's subjects, whom their charges, even 
if they were echoed as they are reprobated by my country, 
could not affect, and who might receive a thousand such shafts 
on the shield of character, not with indignation, not with con- 
tempt, but with calm and pointed forgiveness, the result of a 
proud superiority, founded on my services and their injustice. 
To be angry with such men were to be degraded. On the 
subject of the charge I will make no explanation to them. I 
have said thus much to them, and they deserve much more ; 
but I am not in the habit of reproaching any portion of my 
fellow citizens; if their mortification were the wish of my 
heart, I would refer them to the invectives of some of His Ma- 
jesty's ministers. 

Were it not robbing Heaven of their time, I would say a 
few words to the doctors.* They have judged, they have con- 

* The University of Dublin had removed Mr. G rattan's picture from 
their hall, and put in its place that of the Earl of Clare. 


deemed ; but they forgot to try, they forgot to enquire. Pin- 
daric poetry I admire; yet, I desire not to be tried by Pin- 
daric justice. But divine men have privileges over the moral 
order of things, and in their holy way may spurn the vulgar 
bounds of equity, and pedant rules of evidence. Perhaps the 
sable buckler of divinity is not always court-proof, up and 
down, exalted and detested, his picture high, his person just 
not hanged; mildness and Fitzwilliara ; coercion and torture. 
Do I mention these things to condemn the learned doctors ? 
No. But may I congratulate the memory of mad Athens and 
tempestuous Rome, who find a pious shade cast over their in- 
sanities, by an example of more than republican inconstancy, 
in the instance of grave, orderly, regular, solid, and most ex- 
cellent clergymen. I assure them I am not their enemy, 
though they may be mine. But that is not the case with an- 
other description of men with whom I should be ashamed to 
discourse in the same tone of temper and moderation. I mean 
that Irish faction, which is the secret mover of all this ca- 
lumny, and all this injustice; they stand at the head of a 
bloody combination.* I look on them as the cause of every 
evil that has of late fallen on their country. I protest I do 
not know a faction which, considering the very small mea- 
sure of their credit and ability, has done so much mischief to 
their king and country. They opposed the restoration of the 
constitution of Ireland ; they afterward endeavoured to be- 
tray and undermine it ; they introduced a system of corrup- 
tion unknown in the annals of Parliament; they then pro- 
claimed that corruption so loudly, so scandalously, and so 
broadly, that one of them was obliged to deny in one house 
the notorious expressions he had used in another. They ac- 
companied these offences by an abominable petulance of in- 
vective, uttered from time to time against the great body of 
the people of Ireland, and having, by such proceedings and 
such discourse, lost their affection, they resorted to a system 
of coercion to support a system of corruption, w hich they 
closed by a system of torture, attendant on a conspiracy of 
which their crimes were the cause. And now their country 
displays a most extraordinary contest, where an Englishman 
at the head of its government +, struggles to spare the Irish 
people, and an Irish faction presses to shed their blood. I 
repeat it, I do not know a faction more dangerous, more ma- 
lignant, or more sanguinary. 

* The violent Court, or Orange party, 
f Lord Cornwallis. 


I am ready to enter into a detail of all this. Enough at 
present to say, that I have been forced to write thus much, 
because I have no opportunity of vindication but the press, 
and no press but that of England. 

I shall conclude by assuring that faction, that I am ap- 
prized of their enmity, and shall wait to meet their hostility ; 
hoping, however, that they may not be my judges, or their 
blood-hounds my jury. At all events, if such a faction be 
permitted to dominate in Ireland, I had rather suffer by its 
injustice than live under its oppression. 


Twickenham, November 9, 1798. 




To the Printer. 

I have seen a pamphlet, purporting to be written on the 
Union, and published in the name of the Earl of Clare. The 
speech of the Noble Earl, delivered in the House of Lords, I 
have nothing to say to; but a publication is not a speech, and 
though it be the work of a member of Parliament, has no 
privilege. Whether his Lordship be the author, I have no 
authority, save the assumption of the publication, to affirm; but 
the pamphlet contains against several, with whom I have acted, 
charges, the most direct, and against myself, for the last twenty 
years, charges the least qualified, and insinuations the most 
deep. What is yet worse, it tends to lower the character of 
the country, and to tarnish the brightest passages of her his- 
tory, as well as the memories of the persons concerned in those 
transactions. Matter so various and comprehensive, could 
not be regularly discussed in any debate that has come, or is 
likely to come, belorc the House of Commons. In the inter- 
val of business, I therefore resort to the only method of de- 
fence, the press. 


Mr. Grattan will take no notice of any answer, except one coming from 
the author of the pamphlet. 

Dublin, April, 1800. 
Of the work which it is proposed to answer nearly one third 
is the common place of Irish history. Much of abridgment, 
much of misrepresentation, no new discovery, no new remark ; 
the termini, or landmarks of historic knowledge, remain pre- 
cisely as they were, in their old sober station. What was 
long known before by many men, by many women, and by 


many children, the compendium of the studies of your child- 
hood, this pamphlet reports to you, for the amusement of your 
age, without any other novelty, save that of misrepresentation. 
The idea is to make your history a calumny against your an- 
cestors, in order to disfranchise your posterity ; the execution 
is without the temper of a commentator, or the knowledge of 
an historian. 

We will begin with this performance, at the Irish Parlia- 
ment of James I. The author is now within 187 years of his 
subject. Ireland, says he, had no parliamentary constitution 
till that time. Here his pages only deserve attention, in or- 
der to vindicate the lineage of our liberties against slander. 
This statement is a traduction of the inheritance of the realm, 
a calumny against her antiquities, and a falsification of her 
title. Lord Coke, the judges of England, the records of Ire- 
land, the modus tenmdi parliamentum, the statute-book, the 
extent of acts of Parliament before the reign of James through- 
out the realm, and the act of annexation among others, an- 
swer him. From all those you find, that Ireland had a Par- 
liament from the beginning, and that the legislature was not 
of the Pale, but of the nation.* 

The boldness of this assertion is rendered the more re- 
markable by the distinguished feebleness of its reasoning. 
The pamphlet attempts to prove that to be true in argument 
which is false in fact ; and its argument is, that James I. ge- 
neralized Irish representation by forty private boroughs, that 
is, that he rendered representation general, by making it par- 
ticular. It teaches you to think, that it was James instead of 
Elizabeth who created the seventeen counties, and that he did 
not create the forty boroughs, by him erected to counteract 
that county representation, in order to pack a Parliament. 
It conceives, that the legislature was not general, because the 
representation was not so. It should have said, that the le- 
gislature being general, the representation ought to be so. It 
discovers two ideas of a new and extraordinary nature on this 
subject, that Parliament is confined by the bounds of repre- 
sentation, and that national representation is extended by the 
creation of private boroughs. And for this paradoxical idea 
of Parliament, and this paradoxical idea of representation, it 
offers you nothing like extent of erudition, or force of imagin- 
ation, it is dull error. The art of modern war, says the 
pamphlet, is to traduce the house of Stuart ; the art of modern 

* See the speech of the late Secretary of State, Mr. Hutchinson, on the 
subject of parliamentary reform, in the parliamentary debates of 179 J It 
is a complete answer to the pamphlet on this part of the subject. See ex- 
tract from it at the end. 


court loyalty, it might have added, is to praise the principle of 
the Stewart, and to plant it in the house of Hanover. 

The pamphlet now comes to its own times, and it is to be 
remarked, that as it dwelt on the past with all the fury and 
prejudices of the present time, so it expatiates on the present, 
with as much error and mistake, as if it were treating of the 
remotest antiquity. It * states the adjustment of 1782, to be 
described by its author as follows : " that it emanated from 
the armed convention assembled at Dungannon, was approved 
at county meetings of the people, armed and unarmed, and 
*vas sanctioned and registered by the Irish Parliament." No 
ouch thing, nor any thing like it, did its author say, nor sug- 
gest, nor hint ; and this statement of the pamphlet is not mis- 
representation, nor misinterpretation, but palpable invention; 
did not the pamphlet assume the name of a judicial character, 
1 would say, downright falsehood. I respect and admire the 
meeting at Dungannon, but the subjects of 1782 did not ema- 
nate from thence: two years before were they discussed in 
Parliament : they were discussed on the 19th of April, 1780, 
on, a motion made by myself; and in the course of that ses- 
sion, and of the next session, repeatedly and fully. They 
were adopted by different counties, and various descriptions of 
men, and they finally passed the Parliament. Such is the 
history; the pamphlet falsifies the history, to blemish a great 
transaction, and attributes that falsification to me in order to 
blemish an individual. 

We follow the work where it will be perhaps more fortu- 
nate. It objects, on the question of the claim of right, to the 
declarations of the volunteers. Their character now, it seems, 
it professes to admire ; their conduct, however, (this was the 
most leading part of the conduct of the old volunteers,) it con- 
demns : the inconsistency of setting up a character, and put- 
ting down a conduct, is glaring ; but in a work pregnant with 
every thing which is exceptionable hardly deserves notice. 
But will any man seriously say, that those bodies should not 
have come forward at that time with resolutions in favour of a 
claim of right ? Does any man mean to affirm, that we could 
have established that claim without them? Does any man 
mean to say, that the claim did not deserve to be established ? 
If so, he is a slave ; and in neither case does he deserve an 
answer. To have countenanced resolutions essential to the 
establishment of your constitution, and to have opposed any 
further interference, when that constitution was established, was 
the duty and the pride of them by whom the business of 1782 

* No such statement to be found in any of Mr. Grattan's speeches. 



was conducted. By the first step they procured the constitu- 
tion ; by the second they saved the government; and in both 
they deserved well of their country, and are placed far above 
the reach of the author of this little performance, its little cen- 
sure or its little panegyric. We thought, that at that time, as in 
the period of Magna Charta, armed men might make declara- 
tions to recover liberty ; and having recovered it, we thought 
they secured their glory as well as their freedom, by retiring 
to cultivate the blessings of peace. 

The pamphlet has further objections ; it condemns the ex- 
pedition with which the claim of right was established ; it 
calls for discussion, and delay; to do what? To debate whe- 
ther the English Parliament had a right to make laws for Ire- 
land ? Whether the privy councils in both countries should 
alter your bills ? Or whether the mutiny bill should be per- 
petual ? Why, for the two preceding years, these subjects had 
been, and little other than these subjects had been, debated. 
The pamphlet has proved to you, however, the necessity of 
expedition, by its argument for delay ; for it explains to you, 
that we were to delay the question, in order to sell it, that is, 
in order to diminish, clog, and condition your claim of right. 
You were to delay, the pamphlet explains, in order to pre- 
serve to the Parliament of England, over this country, a share 
of legislative power; and the pamphlet administers additional 
arguments against its project of delay, by showing you, that 
the viceroy of that time was intriguing against your favourite 
measures; and it gives you still further arguments against de- 
lay, by suggesting, that there were certain gentlemen at that 
time, who would not with their lives have supported their li- 
berties ; it might have added, nor with their votes. Perfectly 
well do we understand the author ; and this pamphlet might 
have added, with peculiar authority, that there were certain 
young gentlemen at that time ready to barter honour for of- 
fice, and liberty for chains. It was, therefore, we did not 
listen to the idea of delay ; we did not choose to set up the in- 
heritance of the people of Ireland to auction ; we were ap- 
plied to for delay, and we refused it ; we thought the 1 6th of 
April was the day of the Irish nation, and we were determined 
not to lay our heads on the pillow until we could say, This 
day Ireland has obtained a victory. 

Seeing, then, that the constitution was established without 
delay, or barter, or auction, the pamphlet does not despair ; it 
has a cure, viz. corruption ; it does not indeed set forth cor- 
ruption in words, but it does amply and broadly in idea. 

The expressions are these : " The only security for national 
concurrence is a permanent and commanding influence of the 



English executive, or rather English cabinet, in the councils 
of Ireland." By councils of Ireland it means, and professes 
to mean, nothing less than the Parliament, see page -15. 
Here is the necessary substitute, it seems, for the British Par- 
liament — here is the half million — here is the dependency 
of the Irish Parliament avowed as a principle ; here breaks 
out the taint and sore of that system, whose rankness the 
pamphlet seems to have deeply inhaled, and with whose poli- 
tical incense it now deigns to regale our nostrils and its own ; 
here is acknowledged the truth of the complaint of the oppo- 
sition, namely, that the British minister, some years after the 
settlement of ! 7S2, wished, through his agents here, to filch 
back our constitution of 1 7S2, so honourably and nobly 
obtained, and to resume by fraud what had been obtained by 
treaty. In vain shall a minister come forth in sounding 
words, such as national concurrence or national connection, 
and wrap himself up in the threadbare coat of zeal for empire, 
to stab his country to the heart; such arguments are not to 
be answered but punished, and when any man shall avow that 
he has no idea of governing in this country, without render- 
ing her Parliament, by the means of influence, perfectly de- 
pendent on Great Britain, he avows not his profligacy only, 
but his incapacity also. Such a minister could not govern 
without corruption ; he could not govern with it ; he might 
indeed begin by attempts to pack a Parliament, but he will 
conclude by rebellion. 

To return to the pamphlet. On the subject of the claim of 
right, the author seems to have three parental ideas : first, 
that the volunteers should have made no declaration on the 
subject ; secondly, that the question should have been left 
open to delay ; and, thirdly, that the British cabinet should 
succeed to the power of the British Parliament. By the first 
plan the constitution had been lost ; by the second sold ; and 
by the third corrupted. We follow the pamphlet : it states, 
that the adjustment of 1782 was described by the author of it 
as follows : then he introduces a description which certainly 
was given by its author, but which was not a description of 
the adjustment of the Parliament of 1J82, but of a Parliament 
that sat 187 years ago, and which was assembled by James I. 
in the year of our Lord 1613. Here again is that of which we 
have so often reason to complain in this work, fabrication ; true 
it is, that the boroughs created by James I. have had their effect 
on posterity, and true it is, that those boroughs continue to send 
members to Parliament : so far the Parliament of 1782 and of 
1613 had a similitude ; but it is not true that the Parliament of 
1~^2 was a packed Parliament like that of 1613 ; it is not true 
H 2 



that the representatives of the boroughs were either attornies' 
clerks or the servants of the Castle, as in 16*13 ; nor is it true 
that the boroughs of 1782 resembled those created by James 
in 1613; and so far the two Parliaments have no similitude. 
Mr. Burke, speaking to me of some country that had pros- 
pered under a constitution consisting of three estates, but 
estates defectively formed, observed, " that it was of the na- 
ture of a constitution so formed as ours, however clumsy the 
constituent parts, when set together in action, ultimately to 
act well ;" so of that in question. The boroughs, in a course 
of time, ceased to be under the influence of the king, and the 
constitution took root in the people ; the crown became de- 
pendent for supply on the Parliament, and the Parliament, 
by the octennial bill, became more intimately connected 
with the country; but however altered, depurated, and na- 
turalized, this borough system was an evil still; in 1613 it was 
court ascendancy — it was corruption ; in 1 800 it may be 
union. We follow the work. It affirms, that the rivals of 
Mr. Flood had agreed, in ] 782, to support a draft of a clan- 
destine bill, or treaty, for imperial legislation, which the pam- 
phlet describes, and adds, that they sacrificed to flimsy and 
corrupt popularity the peace of ages, &c. &c. Here are two 
assertions, which I do affirm publicly, and in the most un- 
qualified manner, contain not one syllable, or tittle, or shadow 
of fact ; the two assertions are wholly and most absolutely 
destitute of truth. The author of the pamphlet is called upon 
to support and to defend them *, he has access to the Duke of 
Portland, to many of the cabinet of 1782, in both countries, 
and to the official and the unofficial agents of that time. 

We have seen with what regard for truth the pamphlet as- 
serts, we will now see with what justice it reasons, and cer- 
tainly its falter in fact must prejudice its authority in logic. It 
denies the settlement of 1782 to have been final: the words 
of the settlement are as follows : " His Majesty recommends 
it to take into consideration the discontents and jealousies pre- 
vailing in Ireland, in order to come to such ajinal adjustment 
as may give mutual satisfaction to both kingdoms. ,, — See 
his message to the respective Parliaments. Parliament de- 
clares, 44 that no body of men whatever has any right to make 
laws for Ireland, save only the King, Lords, and Commons 
thereof, that this is the birth-right of the people, in which 
the essence of their liberty exists, and which we cannot sur- 
render but with our lives." — See address of the Irish Com- 
mons, 16th of April. " His Majesty has recommended the 
subject to his Parliaments of both kingdoms, trusting that their 
wisdom will recommend measures as may terminate in & t final 
adjustment. — See his Majesty's answer. " The British le- 



gislature has concurred in a resolution to remove the causes 
of your discontents and jealousies : the intention of the King, 
and willingness of the British Parliament come unaccompani- 
ed with any stipulation or condition whatever.'" — See the Duke 
of Portland's speech 27th May. " We conceive the resolu- 
tion for an unqualified, unconditional repeal of the o'th of 
George I. to be a measure of justice and wisdom, worthy of 
the British Parliament, and furnishing a perpetual pledge of 
mutual amity; gratified in these particulars, no constitutional 
question mill exist between the two countries to interrupt their 
harmony." — See Irish Commons' answer, _'7th May. " We 
rejoice that the name of Portland will be handed down us 
blended with a full and perfect establishment of the constitu- 
tion of Ireland." — See Commons 1 address to his Excellency 
same day. " His Majesty assures his Commons of . his affec- 
tionate acceptance of their acknowledgments of his Majesty's 
and the British Parliament's attention to their representation, 
and which they so justly consider as furnishing a perpetual 
pledge of mutual amity. The declaration that no constitutional 
question between the two nations will any longer exist that can 
interrupt their harmony, are very pleasing to him." — See 
the King's answer to Irish address of 27lh May. " We 
have seen this great national arrangement established on a basis 
which .secures the tranquillity of Ireland, and unites the affec- 
tions as well as the interests of both kingdoms." — See Com- 
mons' address at the close of the session of 1 782. " Convince 
the people of your several counties that the two kingdoms are 
now inseparably one, indissolubly connected in unity of con- 
stitution and unity of interest; that every just cause of jealousy 
is removed ; that the two nations hare pledged their faith , and 
their best security Will be an adherence to that compact." — - 
See the second speecli of the Lord Lieutenant at the close of 
the session and the adjustment. 

Here is the record ; the pamphlet proposes to do away the 
force of record by the force of intrigue, and to set up a pri- 
vate correspondence of the then Lord Lieutenant against a 
public act. It produces an intrigue carried on with a view to 
clog the settlement, as sufficient not to condition or interpret, 
but to overhaul and overset it. It docs not make the cove- 
nant conclusive on the insincerity of the Viceroy, but the in- 
sincerity of the Viceroy conclusive against the covenant, as if 
it were possible to construe away the obligation of a deed of 
trust by a private protest of the trustee, or as if treaties be- 
tween two nations were to be set aside by the private letter of 
the envoy. It goes further, it gives the private intrigue an 
extent which the intrigue itself never affected ; it makes the 
h 3 



correspondence, containing a wish pending the adjustment and 
before its conclusion, to condition the Irish claim of right, 
tantamount to a public protest purporting to render it final in 
nothing. The pamphlet states, " That all the parties looked 
on the adjustment of 1782 as leading to a future political 

The author is ignorant of the sentiments of the parties, 
as well as of the nature of the treaty. Thus Mr. Fox's senti- 
ments the pamphlet has misrepresented ; he (Mr. Fox) has 
declared, that he wished to make the best terms he could for 
Great Britain ; but, as Ireland would not condition her inde- 
pendence, he gave up the second proposition. It has mis- 
stated the sentiments of General Fitzpatrick ; he declares that 
he was totally ignorant of the dispatch of the Duke of Port- 
land, and that he had, at the very time, assured the Irish 
Parliameut, in the name of the government, which he then 
represented, that no farther measure was intended. He has 
mis-stated Mr. Grattan's sentiments, who publicly declares, 
that every part of the assertion, as far as relates to him, is to- 
tally unfounded, without a shadow of colour or pretences and 
calls on the author to support his assertions. But I think I 
could quote another authority against this pamphlet ; it is 
another pamphlet in the name of the same author, published 
in 1798; which charges the people of Ireland, and the Op- 
position, with a breach of faith in agitating certain political 
and commercial questions, after the kingdom had come to a 
final settlement with England, " a settlement so complete and 
satisfactory as to render a revival of political or constitutional 
controversies utterly impossible." 

That pamphlet accordingly quotes the address of 1782, de- 
claring, that all constitutional questions between the two coun- 
tries should cease; and it extends the word constitutional to 
mean all commercial questions; and it extends the words be- 
tween the two nations to mean questions between the administra- 
tion and the country. This interpretation, by the pamphlet 
of 1 798, was as extravagant as the opposite interpretation by 
the pamphlet of 1800, in the name of the same author. The 
author is there made to differ from Mr. Pitt, and to say, that 
the adjustment went to every thing ; the author is here made 
to differ from himself, which is much less surprising, and to 
say that the adjustment extended to nothing. But here I 
must observe, that it is the argument only that is inconsistent, 
the sentiment is perfectly uniform ; it advanced covenant 
against national redress, and it now advances the will of the 
minister against covenant. Thus has this pamphlet, on the 
subject of a national treaty, expatiated with extraordinary ve- 



hemcnce and confidence, without knowing its purport, with- 
out knowing who were the parties, without knowing who 
should be the parties, without knowing what were the senti- 
ments of the parties ; in direct contradiction to the sentiments 
of the principal agents, and to the spoken, written, and print- 
ed opinion of the alleged author of the publication. 

We follow the work : having denied a covenant which did 
exist, it fabricates a covenant which never had any existence 
whatsoever; it asserts, p. 4-7. 5 that an alliance, offensive and 
defensive, was formed by certain parties, in both countries, to 
play the independence of Ireland against their antagonists. 
2dly, It affirms the principal object of that alliance to be, to 
guard against any settlement which might cut off the sources 
of jealousy and discontent between the two nations. I do 
aver, in the most solemn, public, and unqualified manner, that 
there is not the least foundation, colour, or pretence for cither 
of those assertions; and it is with great pain I feel myself 
forced to declare, that they are absolutely and wholly desti- 
tute of any foundation, in fact or in truth. I refer to these 

Immediately after the settlement of 1782, the English part 
of this pretended alliance went into opposition ; the Irish part 
of this pretended alliance, till 1785, supported the govern- 
ment, and some of them, for years alter; the English part of 
this pretended alliance opposed the French treaty ; the Irish 
part supported it; some of the English part of this pretended 
alliance opposed the war, the Irish part supported it. Here 
then is a public proof of the falsehood of the first position. 
We are furnished with further means of falsifying the second. 

The original propositions that passed the Irish Parliament 
in 1785 were that very settlement which the pamphlet de- 
scribes; that is, a settlement purporting to cut off the sources 
of any remaining discontents and jealousies between the two 
nations, and they had our warmest support. So that the 
pamphlet has been so indiscreet and ill advised as to advance 
and affirm two criminal charges positively and publicly, hav- 
ing, within the reach of its author's knowledge, certain facts, 
proving the falsehood of those very charges, at the very time 
that he so injudiciously advanced them. 

The author is called upon to support them ; he must have 
access to the Duke of Portland, to Mr. Pelham, and to many 
of those who must have been parties in this pretended alliance. 
They are not our friends, they are his. 

The work proceeds to state, but not to state fairly or fully, 
the propositions ; and I cannot but again observe, that these 
frequent mistakes in fact must create a prejudice against its 
H 4 



logic. The best way of answering misrepresentation is by 
reciting the fact. The original ten propositions were formed 
with the consent of the British cabinet ; they were the work, 
(at least the first nine,) as I understand, of a gentleman of this 
country, and they showed, in their ability and their compass, 
the hand of a master. A tenth was added, which stipulated 
for revenue to be given by this country to Great Britain ; that 
tenth was altered in the cabinet in Ireland and divided into 
two resolutions, the first declaring, that no Irish revenue 
should be given to England until all Irish charges were pre- 
viously satisfied; the second, that the Irish revenue should be 
raised to the Irish expences. The Irish ministry took the new 
revenue, and the English Parliament altered the original pro- 
position. Pending these alterations, some members of our 
House spoke on the subject, and pledged themselves that they 
should, on the return of the propositions, give them opposi- 
tion, in case they should be altered, even in an iota. I re- 
collect Mr. Foster speaking to that point, he did not so pledge 
himself; but I perfectly recollect, that the then Attorney- 
General did : the pamphlet has given reasons for the incon- 
stancy of his sentiments, give me leave to justify the unifor- 
mity of mine. The bill, founded on the altered propositions, 
departed from the original ones in the following particulars ; 
it stipulated for a perpetual revenue-bill; it stipulated, in cer- 
tain leading and essential matters, for a covenant of referential 
legislation ; it included, in that covenant, four articles of Ame- 
rican commerce ; it stipulated for the reduction of our duties 
of protection on cotton among others, and it gave us nothing 
in substance but the re-export trade, which we have gotten 
without it. To the public it is sufficient to say so much, to 
the pamphlet it is unnecessary to say any thing ; but when 
that pamphlet calls opposition to those altered propositions a 
breach with England, and a sacrifice of the common interest 
on the altar of faction, the author should be reminded, that 
the person whose name it assumes had pledged himself to op- 
pose those altered propositions; that is, according to the 
pamphlet, to cause that breach with England, and to make 
that sacrifice on the altar of faction ; and also, that a great 
part of the present cabinet of England did actually execute 
what the pamphlet calls a breach with England, and sacrificed 
the common interest on the altar of faction, — Lord Auck- 
land, the Duke of Portland, and most of his connections. But 
we stand in need of no authorities ; did we, I should quote Mr. 
Denis Daly, the then muster-master, who declared he could 
not support the altered propositions. The truth is, the opposi- 
tion to tne bill which comprehended them was no breach with 



England ; however there might, indeed, mix in the debate an 
offensive disposition to contrast the two nations ; but we must 
always distinguish between the nature of the question itself 
and the craft of the expectant flattering the court of England, 
by reviling his own country for his private advantage. 

We follow the pamphlet to the regency, and here its charge 
against the country is not her conduct but her power. The 
pamphlet reprobates the right of Ireland to choose a regent; 
now, she is not responsible for the right, but the rxercise of 
it, and we have shown that she exercised that right for the pre- 
servation of the monarchy and the connection. The pam- 
phlet states the power of choice to be tantamount to a power of 
separation. But who gave that power ? It was the law. And 
who displayed that power ? The minister. It was he who 
stated, that the two Houses of Parliament, in case of regal in- 
capacity, could supply the deficiency exactly as they thought 
proper, when a servant of government here maintained that 
the Houses of the British Parliament could do more, and could 
provide for the deficiency in Ireland as well as in England, 
that is to say, could republicanize both countries. He did not 
make our situation better, nor give any great security to the 
monarchy or the constitution. 

The pamphlet asserts, that if the proceedings of our Parlia- 
ment could have any effect, we were separated for some weeks 
from England. Now, if we were separated for an hour, it 
was not by the proceedings of Parliament, that is to say, by 
the address to the Prince, which never had effect, but by the 
indisposition of his Majesty, which had effect, and which alone 
had effect to suspend the royal function, and, of course, the 
only connecting power of the two countries. 

The pamphlet, having confounded the proceedings of Par- 
liament with causes which Parliament found but did not pro- 
duce, proceeds to a gross misrepresentation of concomitant cir- 
cumstances. It charges on the Parliament the crime of expe- 
dition, but it does not state the cause of it. One cause was, 
the sedition of the Irish minister. That ministry apprehend- 
ed dismissal, and were forming an opposition. The then re- 
presentative of Majesty in Ireland was supposed to be employed 
at that time in canvassing for a party against the future go- 
vernment, with the King's commission in his pocket. Thus 
his Royal Highness would have been a regent in chains, with 
a court in mutiny. 

The pamphlet charges the Commons at that time with dis- 
respect to the King, marked by the limitation of the supply. 
The fact is true, but it is not true as the pamphlet states it ; 
the Commons abridged the grant of the supply because the 
King's minister in Ireland could not be trusted, and he could 



not be trusted for the following reasons : Because he had de- 
clared he would make certain members of Parliament victims 
of their votes ; because he had censured the Parliament, and 
the Parliament had censured him ; and, because one of his 
servants had pronounced in Parliament the necessity of resort- 
ing to the rankest corruption. It was for these reasons that 
Parliament did not think proper to trust either with the re- 
venues of the country. 

The pamphlet asserts, that the Irish Parliament proceeded 
without a tittle of evidence ; it is not the fact. The pamphlet, 
indeed, acknowledges that its own charge is not true, by mak- 
ing another, namely, that the House of Commons did not at- 
tend to the evidence. Here it is as deficient in candour as 
before in fact. The case was, that the report of the physician, 
regarding the state of his Majesty's health, had appeared be- 
fore in every paper ; it was a subject too interesting and too 
melancholy not to be perfectly known, and was read in the 
House pro forma. On this part of the subject the pamphlet 
is, in an eminent degree, indecorous and licentious, when it 
speaks of the House of Commons ; nor is it less so when it 
speaks of the persons concerned in the proceedings of that 
time, as of a set of men who had accomplished a breach be- 
tween Great Britain and Ireland, and had committed (I think 
the words of the charge are) enormities. The persons guilty 
of those enormities were some of the present servants of the 
crown, a majority of two Houses of Parliament, several bishops, 
a great part of the present cabinet of England, the Duke of 
Portland and his party, Lord Spencer, who was to have been 
Lord Lieutenant, and Mr. Pelham, who was to have been 
his secretary : were it not presumptuous, I might ascend much 

An alliance to play against England the independency of 
Ireland, whose basis was to prevent measures of concord ; a 
breach made between the two countries in 1785, and now 
their enormities in the address on the regency, are charges 
against the Duke of Portland's party very unfounded and very 
puerile, but made with great boldness by the author, who 
seems to enjoy a genius Tor crimination, which, in its extent 
and extravagance, becomes harmless. The pamphlet charges 
on that period much indecorum. 1 do lament it. " You have 
set up a little king of your own," said a principal servant of the 
Crown, speaking to the House of Commons, and talking of 
his prince with the vulgar familiarity with which a pert bar- 
rister would salute his fellow. " Half a million, or more, was 
expended some years ago, to break an opposition, the same, or 
a greater sum, may be necessary now so said the principal 



servant of the Crown. The House heard him ; I heard him ; 
he said it, standing on his legs, to an astonished House, and 
an indignant nation, and he said so in the most extensive sense 
of bribery and corruption. The threat was proceeded on, the 
peerage was sold, the caitiffs of corruption were every where ; 
in the lobby, in the street, on the steps, and at the door of 
every parliamentary leader, whose thresholds were worn by 
the members of the then administration, offering titles to some, 
amnesty to others, and corruption to all. Hence arose the 
discontents of which the pamphlet complains, against such 
proceedings, and the profligate avowal of such proceedings, 
against the consequences that followed, they were many and 
bloody ; we did then, and we beg now, to enter once more 
our solemn protest. 

Could that nation, who had refused to obey the legislative 
power of the British Parliament, who had armed for her de- 
fence and her freedom, who had recovered her trade, reinstated 
her constitution, and acquired a great, and, it shall not be 
my fault if it be not, an immortal name; could they who had 
taken a part for that nation, in all her glorious acquisitions ; 
could the nation, or such men, could both forget themselves, 
and support a rank instrument of power, and become its little 
comrade and its copander in its dirty doings, in the sale of the 
peerage, its conspiracies against Parliament, and its vile and 
vulgar abuse of the people. 

A pamphlet of 1798, published in the name of the same 
author, is pleased to mention, that the experiment of conci- 
liation had been fully and abundantly tried ; and it particu- 
larly instances the acknowledgment of our parliamentary 
constitution. It was an experiment, magnanimous on the part 
of Great Britain, and her then minister, and we ought to 
take this public opportunity of making acknowledgments to 
both ; but we must lament that their noble purposes were 
counteracted, and their wise experiment betrayed by a cala- 
mitous ascendancy in the Irish cabinet, from 1789, of the 
above councils, at once servile and insolent, who had opposed 
the establishment of the Irish constitution ; and scarce were 
they placed in power when they planned its overthrow, set up 
a counter experiment, or conspiracy, to undo what England 
thought she had recognized, and Ireland thought she had se- 
cured ; that very parliamentary constitution, our bond of con- 
nection and pledge of peace, and took two methods to accom- 
plish their crime, both of which they proclaimed with much 
public immodesty, but without danger ; a project to pack a 
Parliament and a project to abolish it. 

We follow the work : it complains of the Whig club ; the 



minister was the author of it ; his doctrine, and his half mil- 
lion, were the authors of it. But clubs of this kind are only 
preserved by violence; that violence did happen; an attack- 
was made on the rights of the city ; a doctrine was promulgat- 
ed by the same person, that the common council had no right 
to put a negative on the lord mayor, chosen by the board oF 
aldermen, except the board itself should assent to the nega- 
tive put on its own choice. This doctrine was advanced by the 
court, to secure the election of the mayor to itself. In the 
course of the contest a minister involved himself in a personal 
altercation with the citizens : with Mr. Tandy he had carried 
on along war, and with various success ; he was now in- 
volved in an altercation more general, in the compass of his 
wrath and his scurrility ; he paid his compliments to the Whig 
club, and that club advanced the shield of a free people over 
the rights of the city, and humbled a little ministerjn the pre- 
sence of those citizens whose privileges he had invaded, and 
whose persons he had calumniated. The pamphlet charges 
the club with a crime on account of a publication on the sub- 
ject of the poor, pending a probable invasion, — idle charge. 
At this time of a probable invasion, is a society formed for 
the very purpose of investigating their condition with some of 
the officers of state, and several clergy at its head. At such 
a time did seme of the English clergy publish treatises, prov- 
ing that the peasantry could not live by their labour. Did 
the author read a very learned pamphlet in favour of the 
union, published by Mr. Douglass, . at a time of apprehended 
invasion, recommending union as the best means of relieving 
the lower order from the oppression of the rich ? And then 
he quotes Adam Smith. Did the author read Mr. Pitt's pam- 
phlet, published pending an apprehended invasion, and con- 
doling with the peasantry of Ireland, on the great practical 
grievance of tythes ? But to have done with such trifling, we 
follow the work to its charge against the propounders of the 
reform plan of 1797; the work sets forth two plans, that of 
those gentlemen, and that of the united Irishmen : they differ 
in the following essentials : — The plan of the former left the 
counties as they are, the former did not propose to annualize 
Parliament ; the former rejected the idea of personal repre- 
sentation ; the former did not propose to abolish the oath 
taken by the elector. What then did the former do ? It de- 
stroyed boroughs, and it proposed to supply their place by 
the present freemen and freeholders, that is, by those whom 
the law calls the Commons ; it created no new constituency, 
but it did what every plan of reform professes to emulate; it 
gave representation to the constituency, that is, to the Com- 



mons in the place of the monopolist. When I say it made no 
new constituency, I beg to make an exception, it introduced 
in the place of the potwalloper, as he is termed, substantial 
leaseholders and substantial householders, that is, it gave pro- 
perty more weight, and population, distinct from property, 
less weight. On the whole, it took away the monopolist and 
the potwalloping rabble, and communicated the representation 
of the kingdom to the proprietors thereof, as constituted its 
electors by law, or as entitled to become such by a property 
greater than the law had required. 

The effect of this plan had been to prevent an union. If we 
are to advert to the evidence of the prisoner examined by the 
Houses of Parliament, it had been to prevent a rebellion, and 
to break off a French connection. When the pamphlet sets 
forth, that Mr. O'Connor, &c* approved of this plan, it 
should have stated the whole truth, or have stated nothing ; 
it has done neither. It has suppressed their declaration, 
which was that, had that plan taken place, they would have 
broken off their connection with France. 

Neither the history of that reform, nor the history of any 
public measure, does the writer set forth. A plan of reform 
had been proposed in 179,*, and debated in 1794. It was 
objected, first, that the plan did not give satisfaction ; in that 
the most vehement partizans of parliamentary reform had sig- 
nified their disapprobation ; secondly, that the plan opened 
die way to another plan, or to the project of personal repre- 
sentation. It became highly expedient, before any other plan 
was submitted to the consideration of Parliament, to be able 
to assure that august body, that such plan would give ge- 
neral satisfaction, and put an end to the project of personal 
representation. The persons concerned in the forming that 
plan did accordingly obtain from the north of Ireland, and, 
moreover, from the advocates of personal representation, au- 
thority to declare in Parliament, that if the plan of 1797 
should pass, they would rest satisfied. If a further answer 
to the author be necessary, it is his own avowal of his own 
principle, viz. that no Irish representation at all is necessary, 

* The author is pleased to term Mr. O'Connor our unreserved friend. 
In his manifesto, showed to the Irish government for permission to publish, 
Mr. O'Connor sets forth, that, save only on the question of reform, he had 
no communication with us of any kind whatever ; that manifesto must 
have been read by the author of the pamphlet, who thus makes another 
charge he should have known to be groundless, and which he is now called 
on to maintain. We do not call for legal evidence ; but if the author has 
any evidence at all, such as would convince an honest man of the truth of 
any of those charges, or justify an honest man in making them, he is called 
upon and requested to produce that evidence. 



and that he should be satisfied to be governed by the English 
Parliament, without a single representative. With such a 
person I shall no further discuss the subject of representation. 
He is, in his own person, an argument for reform. What ! 
the man of the half million ! 

We follow the work to the Catholic question. It is pleased 
to quote me as follows : " Let me advise you by no means to 
postpone the consideration of your fortunes till after the war, 
your physical consequence exists in a state of separation 
from England, &c." I am extremely sorry to be obliged to 
declare again what I have been compelled to do so often ; that 
this paragraph, published as mine by the author of the pam- 
phlet, is not misinterpretation, not misrepresentation, but pal- 
pable fabrication. 1 never said, nor published, that the phy- 
sical consequence of any part of his Majesty's subjects existed 
in a state of separation from England, nor any thing that 
would warrant that interpretation; but I did say the reverse; 
that as our domestic security consisted in concord with an- 
other, so our security, against an invader from abroad, depend- 
ed on our connection with Great Britain. On this expression, 
then, boldly attributed to me, but which I never delivered, 
the author founds two charges, as destitute of truth as 
the foundation on which they rest ; a charge of revolution 
and jacobinism. The author, in a production sanctioned by 
his name, in one of the public papers, is made to say that a 
certain party had resorted to the Catholic bill as a new sub- 
ject of discontent, after the place and pension bill had been 
conceded. Here again I am forced to lament the necessity 
of declaring, that this assertion also is totally and absolutely 
destitute of foundation ; and I will prove its departure from 
the fact by the proceedings of Parliament. The first Ca- 
tholic bill after that of 1782 was passed in 1792; the second 
was early in the session of 1 793 ; and the place and pension 
bill did not pass till the close of it, so that the refutation of 
the charge appears on the rolls of Parliament. As to the last 
Catholic bill, they to whom he alludes did not resort to it as 
a new subject of discontent to annoy the government, being 
at that time themselves the administration ; it follows, there 
is an arithmetic and moral impossibility of the truth of this 
charge of the author* I beg indulgence, in addition, to state 
a few facts. The Catholics were not excited to come forward 
by an opposition ; they were induced to come forward by Mr. 
Mitford's bill in 1791. They came at the latter end of the 
session of that year to some of our party, myself among 
others, to know whether we should not advise them to peti- 
tion Parliament for further indulgences. My answer was, I 
am your friend, but go to the secretary and consult him ; do 



not narrow your cause to the fate of an opposition and a mi- 
nority. I give this advice as a friend to your body. In the 
winter of 1791 I was applied to by Mr. Richard Burke*, with a 
request to know my sentiments on the Catholic subject, which I 
did not disclose to bim 9 declaring at the same time my good 
wishes to the Catholic body ; and on the opening of the ses- 
sion in January 1792, I gave the Catholics- a decided support. 
Forgetting this, the pamphlet quotes a declaration, <; that the 
Catholics could not induce any one member of Parliament to 
patronize their petition. This declaration was published, 
December, 1792, and the author charges from thence, that, 
until the petition was recommended by ministers, we had been 
Catholic persecutors. That charge also is a departure from 
tact: I remember giving in support of the Catholic petition 
and claims a decided voice and vote in 1792. 

In January, 1793, their claims came recommended from 
the throne, and, in supporting their bill so recommended, I 
observed, that, however I might think it were judicious to go 
farther, I did think the bill communicated most important rights. 
In the session of 1 794, the Catholic subject was not mentioned ; 
but in summer, on a change made in the British cabinet, being 
informed by some of the leading persons therein, that the ad- 
ministration of the Irish department was to belong to them, 
and that they had sent for us to adopt our measures, I 
stated the Catholic emancipation as one of them. Thus 
the charge, that we were originally persecutors of the Catho- 
lics appears to be a departure from the fact. Thus the charge, 
that we took up the Catholics after the passing of the place 
and pension bill, as Irish matter of opposition, appears like- 
wise to be a departure from fact. The proofs are in the pro- 
ceedings of Parliament. 

The pamphlet of 1798, in the author's name, has said, that 
the experiment of conciliation was abundantly tried. Here 
is the second experiment, and here it is but just to acknow- 
ledge the wisdom of his Majesty, and the benignity of his 
intentions, when he was graciously pleased to recommend the 
Catholics in 1793, in his speech from the throne, so that this 
body, thus royally patronized, might be attached not only to 
the constitution, whose privileges they were to participate, but 
to the great personage also at whose special interposition they 
were thus parentally and majestically recommended. But as 
in the first experiment, the people of England, so in the 
second, was his Majesty betrayed by those infatuated, weak, 
and pernicious counsels, which had been, in 1789, the instru- 
ments of political corruption, and now became the horn of 
religious discord. 

* Son of the celebrated Edmund Burke. 



I will give the learned author every advantage, and, con- 
trary to my fixed and unalterable opinion, admit the policy of 
excluding the Catholics from the constitution; yet should I, 
nevertheless, condemn the hostile and outrageous manner in 
which that exclusion was defended. " If," says he, " the Ca- 
tholics do not subvert the Protestant government, they must 
resist the ruling passions and propensities of the human mind; 
they can never be cordially affected to his Majesty's govern- 
ment. I am confident, the old Roman superstition is as rank 
in Ireland now as in 1741: the profound ignorance of the 
lower order, the general abhorrence of the Protestant reli- 
gion by the people, qualify them to receive any impression 
their priests can make; and if their minds be divested of 
veneration for the priest, such is the ignorance and barbarity 
of the people, that they would fall into a state of rude nature: 
the Popish superstition is not confined to the lower order, it 
flourishes in full vigour amongst the higher order." 

This was the language, improper because not founded in 
fact, and impolitic and indecent in any man, though the facts 
could support it; idle, empty, and shallow ranting. The 
best way to distinguish the indecorum of such a speech, 
is to advert to a speech made on the same side of the 
question, by a gentleman who said every thing that 
could be urged against their pretensions, without uttering a 
single syllable which could give offence to their persons, so 
that the Catholics might much more easily forgive the latter 
his vote than the former his speech ; and, on a comparison of 
the two productions, you will see the eminent superiority of 
sense with temper over talents without it. There are two 
sides in this question which men of principle might take, for 
the measure or against it ; but the ministry that took both 
parts, could be justified by neither. The fact was, that the 
ministry encouraged the Protestants, and forsook them after- 
ward; they brought forward the grand juries, and deserted 
them also — then to the Catholics — then to the Protestants 
— then back again to the Catholic, and then to the Protest- 
ants once more. This was a great mistake, but there was a 
greater, and that was to be found in those speeches and pub- 
lications from a quarter in high confidence, which vilified the 
acts of concession in the moment of conferring them ; and, 
affecting to support the King's government, called the bill he 
had recommended an act of insanity. The incoherent plan was 
erroneous, but this was infatuation, it was the petulance 
of power, it was the insolence of wealth, it was the intoxica- 
tion of a minister in a state of sudden and giddy elevation, 
breathing out on a great and ancient description of his Ma- 
jesty's subjects the frenzy of his politics and the fury of his 



taith, with all the feminine anger of a feverish and distempered 
intellect. It went to deprive the Protestant ascendency of the 
advantage of temper, and of the graciousness of good manners, 
which should always belong to the powerful sect; it went to 
deprive the state of a certain comeliness of deportment and 
mild dignity which should always belong to government; it 
fought in the King's colours against the King's benevolence ; 
it went to deprive his Majesty of the blessings of gratitude, 
and his people of the blessings of concord ; it went to corrode 
where the crown had intended to heal, and it curdled with the 
temper of the minister, the manna that was descending from 
the throne. 

The argument that accompanied this invective was of little 
moment; a man in a fury cannot argue; the weakness of his 
reasoning will be exactly in proportion to the strength of his 

Behold a melancholy example of the victory of human 
passion over the human understanding. The present danger 
o'f the papal power after the deposition of the Pope, the in- 
compatability of the real presence and of the worship of the 
Virgin Mary, with the interest of the House of Hanover and 
and the incompetency of Parliament to alter the oaths of 
its own members, such are the author's arguments. How- 
ever, if the pamphlet of IJ9S denies the competence of 
Parliament, here comes the pamphlet of 1300 to console 
you, and as the one sets the law above the law-maker, so 
the other sets the law-maker above the constitution, and both 
together would prove that the legislature is incompetent to 
admit a Catholic, but is perfectly competent to destroy a Par- 

We leave these arguments, and the vehement spirit with 
which they are poured forth, and come to the close of the 
pamphlet and the beginning of the subject — the Union. Of 
one hundred and one pages, twenty-six only are devoted to 
the question ; the rest contain feelings, battles, and sores from 
a perpetual encounter with all descriptions of men, and with 
patriotism, in all ages. As the author scarcely argues the 
question of Union, or indeed affects it, here I shall say but 
little ; however, two great points he would establish I beg to 
advert to. They contain positions which are not only glaringly 
unfounded, but exceedingly dangerous: the 1st, That this 
country is unable to pay her establishments; 2d, That her 
constitution is incompetent to provide for her security. He 
attempts to warrant his first, by a statement affecting to prove, 
that in three years, if she was to continue without an Union, 
we shall owe 50,000,000/. He states, that we borrow an- 



nually 8,000,000/. ; he should have stated, that we borrow 
but 4,000,000/. ; whatever capital we may create on each 
loan, he should have stated how much less we should borrow 
on the adoption of an Union. He should have stated, that 
the projectors of the Union only proffered the payment of 
1,000,000/. of our war establishment; that the present year 
was provided for; that the saving in the two following years 
of war will be, according to this proffer, but 2,000,000/., and 
the purchase of boroughs will be 1,500,000/. He should 
have stated further, that our war contribution was rated at 
4,400,000/., and that our present war expence was only 
4,652,000/., so that the proffer appears fallacious; and if we 
be unable to support our present war expence, we will be 
unable to support our war contribution ; and the reader will 
observe, the present war expence is an occasional war estab- 
lishment, principally caused by insurrection, whereas the war 
contribution will in all probability be a permanent war con- 
tribution, except as far as it may be augmented.* But there 
is an answer to his argument which is more decisive, it is his 
own argument in 1798, which is as follows: (t First, as to the 
adequacy of the constitution for the purpose of security and 
connection, next for that of wealth and prosperity. 

" A parliament, perfectly distinct from and independent 
of the other parliament, forms a system the most critical and 
complicated; to a common observer, utterly impracticable; 
but experience has proved, that in the midst of popular tur- 
bulence, and in the convulsion of rancorous and violent party 
contests, the Irish Parliament, as it is now constituted, is fully 
competent to all political and beneficial purposes of govern- 
ment; that it is fully competent to protect this, which is the 
weaker country, against encroachment, and to save the em- 
pire from dissolution, by maintaining the constitutional con- 
nection of Ireland with the British Crown." Here is the 
refutation of his second great argument published by himself. 
Hear him conquer himself in his pamphlet of 1798 — here 
(page 5) he writes as follows : " There is not a nation in the 
habitable globe which has advanced in cultivation and com- 
merce, in agriculture and manufactures, with the same rapidity 
in the same period ;" — speaking of Ireland since the consti- 
tution of 1782, viz. for the last twenty years. 

Here we add nothing, but that the author has been, by his 
own account, recommending an Union for these eight years ; 
he has been, according to his own account, betraying, for 

* Fide Lord Farnham , s excellent pamphlet, and his judicious speech on 
the Union. 



these eight years, the constitution in her councils, in the very 
moments of his panegyric. 

On this important discovery let others expatiate ; to us it is 
more material to observe on his work, where it sets up 
our history against our constitution, and the annals of the 
Parliament against its legislative capacity. To establish this, 
he has thought it prudent to advert to four periods in which 
the greatest legislative questions were successfully discussed, 
and the greatest legislative abilities were triumphantly dis- 

This pamphlet quotes the period of 1753, and relates, that 
a question regarding a surplus in the treasury was then 
started, to try the strength of two factions; which, in its con- 
sequence, transmitted a spirit that afterwards degraded the 
Parliament; what, when, or where, this parliamentary de- 
gradation appeared, we are at a loss to discover ; this is not 
history, nor comment, nor fact, but it is a garbling of history 
to establish a conclusion the opposite of that which the history 
itself would administer; the principle then determined, the 
importance of that principle, the abilities displayed on the dis- 
cussion of it, the real effect of both on the public mind, have 
escaped the pen of the historian ; from that pen you would 
collect, that Mr. Malone and Mr. Pery were nothing more 
than two prize-fighters, embattled in the cause of faction, 
under two great state criminals, the Primate and Lord Shan- 
non; that they agitated a matter of no moment; but that they 
propagated sedition of great moment and fatal consequences 
to the next generation. 

Having thus disposed of the Parliament, and the characters 
of fifty-three (without the vexation of any study, or sordid 
obligation to fact,) the pamphlet proceeds to dispose of the 
character of the House of Commons and the principal gentle- 
men of the country for fifteen years after. It had before 
represented them as incendiaries, it here represents them as 
plunderers : it sets forth, that, under the pretext of public im- 
improvement, the Commons plundered the country; and that 
their Parliament, to pay their parliamentary following, plun- 
dered the treasury, until they imposed on the Crown the 
necessity of resorting for supply to Parliament : which the 
author most pathetically bemoans, and which he seems to 
think the only great grievance of the country. 

Having given this history of Parliament, from 1753 to 
1 76S, it advances to the administration of Lord Townshend, 
in which it seems to recollect nothing but the noise of op- 

The pamphlet of 179S, in the name of the author, had ob- 
I 2 



served, that from the revolution of 1 782, the system adopted 
by those in whom the power resided (they were those, among 
others, whom he had just been pleased to reprobate as incen- 
diaries and plunderers,) went to cement the connection which 
had so long subsisted between Great Britain and Ireland, to 
their mutual advantage; the pamphlet of 1800 is pleased to 
observe, that the precedent of their government was fatal; 
and that a system was formed on it that would beat down any 
nation on earth ; accordingly it states, that the English go- 
vernment opened their eyes, shook, indeed, the aristocracy, 
but generated a race of political adventurers, full of noise and 
indecorum. I think I have heard spruce authority as petulent 
and indecorous as young ambition. 

The attempts of the court to pack a Parliament at that 
period, the increase of the establishment for that purpose, the 
great abilities displayed, the altered money bill, protests, pro- 
rogation, in short, the history of the period, once more escape 
this historian. The learned author now approaches the year 
1779; the expedition of his march is very great, and very 
liberally does he leave untouched every thing behind him ; he 
is arrived; and here he scarcely is stricken with any thing 
worthy of his history, save only the weakness of Lord Buck- 
inghamshire in arraying the volunteers, and the illiberality of 
the nation in demanding a free trade; the pamphlet com- 
mends the volunteers of that period ; and yet I think 
I remember a young barrister going forth in his cock- 
boat, and scolding the waves of that ocean, and the waves 
regarded him not.* Certainly the volunteers did take a most 
decisive part in the political and commercial question of 
that day. Well, he has done with the year 1779; whatever 
he had to say on the great questions then discussed, and on 
that most pregnant period, in a few lines he has said it; his- 
tory is nothing in his hands ; in his account of the Parliament 
of Ireland for thirty years, the learned author has five ideas, 
and those are all false; faction in 1753; plunder till 1768; 
then noise of opposition; then the weakness of government; 
then the ungenerous proceedings of Parliament; and as he 
before condemned your efforts to recover your trade with 
oblique censure, so now he condemns your efforts to recover 
your constitution with direct animadversion ; he calls the 
settlement of 1782 the separation of a colony from Great 
Britain; bold adulation of England this; the alleged author 
of the pamphlet was in Parliament the 16th of April 1782; 

* Alluding to Mr. Fitzgibbon's speech in 1 7S0, when he termed the pro- 
ceedings of the volunteers, " riot, clamour, and the production of a giddy 



he made no objection to this separation ; he was in Parlia- 
ment the 27th of May 1782; he made no objection to the 
separation ; he wrote me a letter of congratulation at that 
time on the success of that settlement, he did not there men- 
tion this separation. Reading this publication now, and in 
the society of the two other pamphlets of the same name, 
every Irishman feels himself less a gentleman and more a slave. 
The pamphlet, in its oblique censure, and in its direct ani- 
madversion, disparages every great act, and every distinguish- 
ed character in this country, for the last fifty years. 

Mr. Malone, Lord Pery, late Lord Shannon, Duke of 
Leinster, the Mr. Ponsonbys, Mr. Brownlow, Sir William 
Osborne, Mr. Burgh, Mr. Daly, Mr. Yelverton, Mr. Ogle, 
Mr. Flood, Mr. Forbes, Lord Charlemont, and myself. I 
follow the author through the graves of these honourable dead 
men, for most of them are so ; and I beg to raise up their 
tomb-stones, as he throws them down. I feel it more instruc- 
tive to converse with their ashes, than with his compositions. 

Mr. Malone, one of the characters of 1753, was a man of 
the finest intellect that any country ever produced. " The 
three ablest men I have ever heard, were Mr. Pitt, (the fa- 
ther) Mr. Murray? and Mr. Malone; for a popular as- 
sembly 1 would choose Mr. Pitt; for a Privy Council, Mur- 
ray ; for twelve wise men, Malone." This was the opinion 
which Lord Sackville, the secretary of 1753, gave, of Mr. 
Malone to a gentleman from whom I heard it. " He is a 
great sea in a calm," said Mr. Gerrard Hamilton, another 
great judge of men and talents ; " aye," it was replied, " but 
had you seen him when he was young, you would have said 
4ie was a great sea in a storm." And, like the sea, whether 
in calm or storm, he was a great production of nature. 

Lord Pery, he is not yet canonized by death ; but he, like 
the rest, has been canonized by slander. He was more or 
less a party in all those measures which the pamphlet con- 
demns ; and, indeed, in every great statute and measure that 
took place in Ireland the last fifty years ; a man of the most 
legislative capacity I ever knew, and the most comprehensive 
reach of understanding I ever saw ; with a deep engraven im- 
pression of public care, accompanied by a temper which was 
tranquillity itself, and a personal firmness that was adamant ; in 
his train, is every private virtue that can adorn human na- 

Mr. Brownlow, Sir William Osborne, I wish we had more 
of these criminals; the former seconded the address of 1782; 
and in the latter, and in both, there was a station of mind 
that would have become the proudest senate in Europe, 
i 3 



Mr. Flood, my rival, as the pamphlet calls him, and I 
should be unworthy the character of his rival, if in his grave 
I did not do him justice, he had faults ; but he had great 
powers, great public effect ; he persuaded the old, he inspired 
the young ; the castle vanished before him ; on a small sub- 
ject he was miserable ; put into his hand a distaff, and, like 
Hercules, he made sad work of it; but give him the thunder- 
bolt, and he had the arm of a Jupiter; he misjudged when 
he transferred himself to the English Parliament ; he forgot 
that he was a tree of the forest, too old, and too great to be 
transplanted at fifty ; and his seat in the British Parliament 
is a caution to the friends of union to stay at home, and make 
the country of their birth the seat of their action. 

Mr. Burgh, another great person in those scenes, which it 
is not in the little quill of this author to depress. He was a 
man singularly gifted, with great talent, great variety, wit, 
oratory, and logic; he, too, had weakness; but he had the 
pride of genius also, and strove to raise his country along with 
himself^ and never sought to build his elevation on the de- 
gradation of Ireland. 

I moved an amendment for a free export ; he moved a 
better amendment, and he lost his place. I moved a decla- 
ration of right; " with my last breath will I support the right 
of the Irish Parliament," was his letter to me, when I applied 
to him for his support. He lost the chance of recovering his 
place, and his way to the seals, for which he might have 
bartered. The gates of promotion were shut on him, as those 
of glory opened. 

Mr. Daly, my beloved friend ; he, in a great measure, drew 
the address of 177^5 in favour of our trade, — that "ungra- 
cious measure ;" and he saw, read, and approved of the ad- 
dress of 1782, in favour of constitution ; that address of 66 se- 
paration." He visited me in my illness, at that moment, and 
I had communication on those subjects, with that man, whose 
powers of oratory were next to perfection ; and whose powers 
of understanding, I might say, from what has lately happened, 
bordered on the spirit of prophecy.* 

Mr. Forbes, a name I shall ever regard, and a death I shall 
ever deplore ; enlightened, sensible, laborious, and useful ; 
proud in poverty, and patriotic, he preferred exile to apostacy, 
and met his death. I speak of the dead, I say nothing of the 
living ; but I attribute to this constellation of men, in a great 

*' This alludes to a private anecdote of Lord Clare and Mr. Daly, re- 
specting the conduct likely to be pursued by the former in case a Union 
was proposed. 



measure, the privileges of your country ; and I attribute such 
a generation of men to the residence of your Parliament. 

The ministers of the Crown, who, in the times related by the 
pamphlet, did the King's business, were respectable and able 
men ; they supported sometimes acts of power, but they never, 
by any shocking declaration, outraged the constitution; they 
adjusted themselves to the idea of liberty, even when they 
might have offended against the principle, and always kept on 
terms of decency with the people and their privileges. Least 
of all, did they indulge in a termagant vulgarity, debasing, to 
a plebeian level, courts and senates, and courting Irish infamy 
on a speculation of British promotion. 

In the list of injured characters I beg leave to say a few 
words for the good and gracious Earl of Charlemont ; an at- 
tack, not only on his measures, but on his representative, 
makes his vindication seasonable. Formed to unite aristocracy 
and the people, with the manners of a court and the prin- 
ciples of a patriot, with the flame of liberty, and the love of 
order; unassailable to the approaches of power, of profit, or 
of titles, he annexed to the love of freedom, a veneration for 
order; and cast on the crowd that followed him, the gracious 
light of his own accomplishments; so that the very rabble 
grew civilized as it approached his person. For years did he 
preside over a great army, without pay or reward ; and he 
helped to accomplish a great revolution without a drop of 

Let slaves utter their slander, and bark at glory which is 
conferred by the people; his name will stand. And when 
their clay shall be gathered to the dirt to which they belong, 
his monument, whether in marble, or in the hearts of his 
countrymen, shall be resorted to as a subject of sorrow, and 
an excitation to virtue. 

Should the author of the pamphlet pray, he could not ask 
for his son a greater blessing than to resemble the good Earl 
of Charlemont ; nor could that son repay that blessing by any 
act of gratitude more filial, than by committing to the flames 
his father's publications. 

I have attempted to vindicate the dead, let us now vindicate 
the Parliament. The question of 1753 was the beginning, in 
this country, of that constitutional spirit which asserted after- 
wards the privilege of the Commons, and guarded and hus- 
banded the essential right of a free constitution. The ques- 
tion was of its very essence ; but the effect spread beyond the 
question, and the ability of the debate instructed the nation, 
and made her not only tenacious of her rights, but proud of 
her understanding. There might have been party, — there 
i 4 


might have been faction, mixing with a great public principle ; 
so it was in the time of ship money ; so it was in the Revo- 
lution. In these instances the private motive mixed with the 
public cause ; but still it was the cause of the public and the 
cause of liberty. In great moral operations, as well as in the 
great operations of nature, there is always a degree of waste 
and overflow ; so it is with the sea. Shall we therefore pro- 
nounce the ocean a nuisance ? Thus, afterward, in the time 
which the pamphlet describes as the period of plunder, there 
was a spirit of private jobbing, mixing with the spirit of pub- 
lic improvement ; but that spirit of public improvement, and the 
commencement and birth of public care, was there also, and 
so continued, from the time of the sagacious Lord Pery? to 
the period of Mr. Foster and his wise regulations., 

In the history of Parliament, I observe the learned histo- 
rian omits her laws ; the corn law, the octennial bill, the ten- 
antry bill ; he has not only forgotten our history but his ow?t 9 
and most impartially contradicts what is written by himself 
as well as others. " No nation in the habitable globe, in cul- 
tivation, in commerce, in agriculture, in manufacture, has ad- 
vanced in the same rapidity within the same period," says the 
pamphlet of 1798, in the name of our author (page 5); " a set- 
tlement so complete and satisfactory, as to render the revival 
of political or constitutional questions utterly impossible," so 
said the same pamphlet, (page 9), speaking of the settlement 
of 1782 ; "a Parliament, (speaking of the Irish Parliament), 
fully competent to all practical and beneficial purposes of go- 
vernment, fully competent to preserve this country, which is 
the weaker, against encroachment, and to save the empire 
from dissolution, by maintaining the constitutional connection 
with Great Britain," so said the same pamphlet, speaking of 
the constitution of 1782. Thus have these different works 
furnished their own answers, and, like opposite poison, ad- 
ministered their cure and their contradiction. In procuring 
that constitution and that trade, the Irish Parliament had 
great merit, — the servants of the crown had great merit, — 
the author had none. 

As the author has censured the proceedings of both, let me 
be their vindicator. Those servants of the Crown proved 
themselves to be Irishmen, and scorned to barter their honour 
for their office; that Parliament, whose conduct the pamphlet 
reprobates, had seen the country, by restrictions on commerce, 
and by an illegal embargo on her provision trade, brought, in 
1779 5 to a state of bankruptcy; that Parliament had reposed 
in the liberality of the British Parliament an inexorable con- 
fidence; that Parliament waited and waited, till she found. 



after the English session of 1778, nothing could be expected; 
and then, that Parliament (and here behold the recuperative 
principles of our constitution, and contemplate Parliament, as 
the true source of legitimate hope, though sometimes the just 
object of public disapprobation), that Parliament at length 
preferred a demand ; I . say a demand, for a free trade, and 
expressed in a sentence, the grievances of a country. They 
shorten the money bill, assert the spirit of the country, and, 
supported as they were by the whole nation, break, in one 
hour, that chain which had blocked up your harbours for 
ages. They follow this by a support of government and of 
empire, as ample as was their support of their country and 
her commerce, bold and irresistible, and do more to deter and 
intimidate the common enemy, than all your present loans, 
and all your establishments. 

I come to the second period ; and here they fall back ; 
here they act reluctantly ; but here you see again the ral- 
lying principle of our constitution ; that very Parliament, 
whom the pamphlet vilifies, whom the minister thought he 
had at his feet, those very gentlemen whom the pamphlet dis- 
parages, whom the then secretary relied on as a rank majority, 
made a common cause with the people, (made a common cause 
with their liberties;) and, assisted and backed by the voice of 
that people, preserved, carried, and established the claim, in- 
heritance, and liberties of the realm, and sent the secretary, 
post, to England, to recant his political errors in his own 
country, and to register that recantation in the rolls of his 
own Parliament. These achievements we are to estimate, not 
by the difficulties of the day, but by the difficulties resulting 
from the depression and degradation of ages. If we consider, 
that the people and Parliament, who had thus associated for 
the defence of the realm, and had added to the objects of their 
association, the cause of trade and liberty, without which that 
realm did not deserve to be defended ; had been, in a great 
measure, excluded from all the rest of the world, had been de- 
pressed for one hundred years, (by commercial and political 
oppression, and torn by religious divisions) ; that their minis- 
ters had not seldom applied themselves to taint the integrity 
of the higher order, and very seldom (except as far as they 
concurred in the bounties of the legislature), applied them- 
selves to relieve the condition of the lower order ; that such a 
people, and such a Parliament, should spontaneously associate, 
unite, arm, array, defend, illustrate, and free their country ; 
overawe bigotry, suppress riot, prevent invasion, and produce, 
as the offspring of their own head, armed cap-a-pee, like the 
Goddess of Wisdom issuing from the Thunderer, Commerce 



and Constitution, What shall we say of such a people, and 
such a Parliament ? Let the author of the pamphlet retire to 
his closet, and ask pardon of his God for what he has written 
against his country ! 

I state these things, because these things have been called 
clamour ; I state these facts, in opposition to slander, as the 
defence of my country; to restore from calumny the character 
of her constitution; and to rescue from oblivion the decaying 
evidences of her glory. 

I think I know my country; I think I have a right to know 
her; she has her weaknesses; were she perfect, one would 
admire her more, but love her less. The gentlemen of Ire- 
land act on sudden impulse ; but that impulse is the result of 
a warm heart, a strong head, and great personal determin- 
ation ; the errors incidental to such a principle of action, 
must be their errors; but then, the virtues belonging to that 
principle must be their virtues also ; such errors may give a 
pretence to their enemies, but such virtues afford salvation to 
their country; the minister should therefore say what I say to 
my country ; I, who am no better than one of yourselves, but 
far superior to your tyrants, I who probably partake of your de- 
fects, and shall be satisfied if I have any portion either of your 
spirit or of your fire, " Come, come to this heart, with all 
your infirmities and all your religion." 

We return to the publication : we look for something to 
build or plant in the immense waste, the huge moral devast- 
ation this writing has left of the talents, ability, and credit of 
the country. Three pamphlets of this author lie open before 
me, a publication of 1793, another of 1798, and the present 
of 1800, all in the same name. Here we are to look, 1 sup- 
pose, for whatever is by him suffered to remain unlevelled of 
profound wisdom, liberal policy, comprehensive system ; the 
true principle of government and of a free constitution ; leaf 
after leaf, and period after period, have I turned them over ; 
the author will show in what part of these poor things those 
great maxims are to be discovered ; to mere mortal eyes 
these publications seem to be a system of political, moral, and 
and intellectual levelling ; scurrilous in themselves, they be- 
tray a native genuine horror of any thing like genius, liberty, 
or the people ; great audacity of assertion ; great thrift of 
argument ; a turn to be offensive, without a power to be 
severe; fury in the temper, and famine in the phrase. 

I find, and lament to find, in those levelling publications 
the following sentiments: That Ireland is a British colony, 
and that to demand a free constitution, was to separate from 
Britain ; that Ireland may prudently submit to legislation 


without representation ; that Ireland had no parliamentary 
constitution till the time of James I. ; that the creation of the 
dependency of the crown for supply on the Commons, was a 
pernicious precedent; that the remedy for our present free 
constitution, and the only security for the connection, was to 
put in the place of the British Parliament the commanding 
influence of the British cabinet over the Irish legislature. 
Couple this with a declaration, that half a million had been 
resorted to some years back to buy the Commons of Ireland; 
couple that with the declarations continued in this pamphlet, 
that, for the last seven years, a noble minister of the Crown 
had perseveringly recommended the abolition of the Irish 
Parliament, and an union in its place; couple all this together, 
and the result of ihe pamphlet will be the most complete and 
ample justification and panegyric of that opposition, who for 
a course of years have, with honest perseverance, reprobated 
that minister's administration. I will not say it is a justi- 
fication of rebellion, but it is the best defence I have seen; it 
amounts to a direct charge, for those last fifty years, on the 
aristocracy, and on the Commons, of taction, of plunder, of 
breaches with England, and of acts of separation ; and it par- 
ticularly condemns the Parliament for those very measures on 
which she must rest her credit and authority with the people; 
and further, it charges, that before any rebel was in the 
country, a leading minister in the cabinet was himself, and 
lias been for eight years, a secret adviser against the par- 
liamentary constitution of Ireland, of course, against the fund- 
amental laws of the land ; to such a work, containing three 
fabrications, four capital departures from matter of fact, to- 
gether with the disparagement of his country, and of almost 
every honest public character for the last fifty years, I do not 
think it necessary to say more. 

1 conclude, therefore, by repeating what I have already so- 
lemnly declared, that 

It is not fact that we excited the Catholics. 

It is not fact that we persecuted the Catholics. 

It is not tact that we adopted the Catholic measures after 
the place bill and pension bill had passed, and in quest of new 
matter of opposition. 

It is not fact, that I ever declared or wrote that the adjust- 
ment of 1JS2 emanated from Dungannon. 

It is not fact, that I ever compared the Parliament 
that accomplished that adjustment to the Parliament of 

It is not fact, that I ever declared that the Catholic would 
be most powerful, if these nations were separated. 



It is not fact, that I ever abandoned to popularity the draft 
of a bill for vesting in the Parliament of England a power of 
imperial legislature. 

It is not fact, that I ever saw, agreed to, or heard of, any 
such draft. 

It is not fact, that I ever agreed to an alliance with any 
English party, to oppose any plan of national concord. 

It is not fact, that I ever entered into any alliance, offen- 
sive and defensive, with them, however I might esteem their 
persons, and prefer their principles. 

Here are ten assertions made by the author ; he is publicly 
called upon to establish them, 

I have said thus much to defend my country and myself, in 
opposition to this publication, that takes the name of a minis- 
ter who has the support of the governments of both countries, 
and with respect to whom I have no advantage, except the 
cause, my own personal superiority, and another recommenda- 
tion which I possess in common with almost every honest sub- 
ject in Ireland, and with the Irish nation herself, the advan- 
tage which the calumniated has over the calumniator. I might 
avail myself of many more vulnerable parts in those publica- 
tions, and press the supposed author personally, as he has 
pressed others ; but, considering his situation more than he 
has done himself, I consign him to judges more severe than I 
could be, and to him the most awful, and, on this side the 
grave, the most tremendous — his country and his con- 
science !* 


extract from the secretary of state (mr. hutch inson's) 
speech, in 1793. 

" But what was the history of the representation in this 
country? He could inform gentlemen with some accuracy, 
having thought it his duty, when he took a more active part 
in public business, to extract from all the borough charters at 
at the Rolls-office their material contents. The number of 
representatives, in the thirty-fourth year of Henry VIII., was 
one hundred ; to this number Mary and Elizabeth added 
about forty-eight, but of these there were nineteen counties, of 

* This was singularly prophetic. After the Union, Lord Clare repented 
of his conduct, and I have heard a near relation of his declare, that, in his 
latter days, he bitterly reproached himself for the part he had taken in that 
measure. — Note by Editor. 



which Elizabeth had established seventeen, a mode of repre- 
sentation worthy the character of that great princess. In the 
first Parliament of James I., held in 1613, the members of the 
House of Commons were two hundred and thirty-two : the 
last creation of a borough was by Queen Anne, who created 
one only. For the difference between the number of repre- 
sentatives at the accession of James, and the present num- 
ber of three hundred, the House of Stuart is responsible. One 
half of the representatives were made by them, and made by 
the exertion of prerogative ; of those, James made forty at 
one stroke; most of them at the eve of a Parliament, and some 
after the w rits of summons had issued. The Commons, in that 
Parliament, expressed their doubts whether those boroughs 
had the power of returning members to sit in Parliament, and 
reserved that subject for future consideration. Complaints 
were made to James of those grants, but what was his answer ? 
u I have made forty boroughs ; suppose I had made four hun- 
dred — the more the merrier." Charles I. followed the ex- 
ample of his father in exercising this prerogative, but not to 
so great an extent. Complaints were also made to him, and 
he gave assurances that the new corporations should be reviewed 
by Parliament. The grants made by these two monarchs ap- 
pear, by the histories and correspondences of those times, 
to have been for the purpose of giving the Protestants a ma- 
jority over the Roman Catholics. The grants by Charles II., 
James II., and Queen Anne, proceeded from motives of per- 
sonal favour ; thus it would appear, if the facts were investi- 
gated, that one half of the representation of Ireland had arisen 
from the exertions of prerogative, influenced by occasional mo- 
tives, disputes among religionists, and inducements of personal 
favour, but had not been derived from any of those sources 
which had produced the English constitution. Had he the 
honour of being a member of the British House of Commons, 
he would never touch the venerable fabric of their represent- 
ation ; but, in this kingdom, the part of the representation 
universally complained of, had originated in party or private 
motives, and he did not believe there was one prescriptive 
borough in the whole kingdom. He believed some boroughs 
were called so, but, he believed, unjustly; eleven of the grants 
which had been mentioned, did not appear at the Rolls-office, 
but most of these were modem in the time of the House of 




Abstract of the effective Men in the different Volunteer Corps, tokate 
Delegates met at Dungannon, and those ivho acceded to their Re- 
solutionsy and to the Requisitions of the House of Commons of 
Ireland, the 16th of April, 1782, {viz, " That there is no body 
s: of men competent to make lazvs to bind this nation, except the 
" King, Lords, and Commons of Ireland, nor any other Parlia- 
" ment ivhich hath any authority or poiver, of any sort ivhatso- 
" ever, in this country, save only the Parliament of Ireland. 

" That in this right, the very essence of our liberties exists ; — 
u a right uhich toe, on the part of the people of Ireland, do claim 
" as their birth-right, and idiich toe cannot yield but with our lives.") 

Province of Connaught. 

Ballinasloe Meeting 59 Corps, - 6,897 


Earl of Charlemont. 

Duke of Leinster. 
Earl of Tyrone. 
Earl of Aldborough. 
Lord De Vesci. 
Sir B. Denny. 

Right Honourable George Ogle. 
Sir James Tynte. 
Earl of Clanricarde. 
Earl of Muskerry. 
Sir William Parsons. 
Honourable J. Butler. 
Right Honourable Henry King.* 
Province of Ulster. 

Dungannon Meeting, 153 Corps. 26,280 
Twenty-one Corps since acceded, 3,938 
Infantry since acceded Two Bat- 
talions, - 1,250 
Six Corps of Cavalry, - - 200 

Eight Corps of Artillery, - 420 

Ulster Corps which have acceded 
since the 1st of April, 35 of 
Infantry and one Battalion, - 
Two of Cavalry, - - > 

Total of Ulster, - - 34, 

Six pounders, - - 16 

Three pounder t, - - 10 

Howitzers, - - - 6 

Total Pieces of Artillery, - 32 


• 92 

Thirty-one Corps of Infantry, 

who since acceded, - . 5,781 

Cavalry eight Corps, - - 421 

Artillery, - . 250 

Acceded since 1st of April four 
Corps of Infantry and one of 
Cavalry, - 

Total of Connaught, - - 1 

Six pounders, - - 10 

Three pounders, - - 10 

Total Pieces of Artillery, - 20 


Province of Munster. 

City and County of Cork, 
68 other Corps of Infantry, in 

the Province, 
Cavalry of the Province returned 

15 Corps, 
Artillery 9 Corps, 

- 5,123 


Total - 14,041 

Acceded since 1st April, 15 Corps 

of Infantry, 
Two Corps of Cavalry, 

Total of Munster, 

- 3,921 

* Besides these — the Volunteers at their Provincial Reviews, elected their 
Reviewing Generals. 





Six pounders, 
Three pounders, 

- H 

- 14 

Total Pieces of Artillery, 32 

Province of Leinster. 
139 Corps whose delegates met 

at Dublin, April 17th, 1782, 16,983 
10 Corps of Cavalry who before 

acceded and no delegates sent, 580 
19 ditto of Infantry, - - 4,398 
Artillery 9 Corps, - - 322 

Total of Leinster, 

.- 22,283 


Nine pounders, 

- 2 

Six pounders, 

- 16 

Three pounders, 

- 14 


- 6 

Total Pieces of Artillery, 


Total Numlers. 


- 34,152 


- 18,056 


- 14,336 


- 22,283 


- 88,827 

22 Corps have also acceded but 

made no returns ; estimated at 12,000 

Making in all nearly a general 

grand Total of 100,000 
Artillery 130 pieces. 


Aghavoe Loyals. 
Associated July 1st, 1782. — Scarlet, 
faced Blue. 
Captain Robert White. 

Aldborough Legion. 
Associated August, 1777. — Scarlet, 
faced Black, Silver Lace. 
Colonel Earl of Aldborough. 

Ards Battalion. 
Colonel Patrick Savage. 

Ardee Rangers. 

Arlington Light Cavalry. 
Associated September lSth, 1779. — 
Scarlet, faced Green, Yellow buttons. 

Captain George Gore. 

Lieutenant J. Warburton. 

Cornet Jonathan Chetwood. 

Arran Phalanx. 

Scarlet, faced White. 
Captain Dawson. 
Lieutenant Frederick Gore. 

Earl of Arran. 

Armagh Volunteers. 
Athy Independents. 
Associated September, 1779. — Scarlet, 
faced White. 
Captain Robert Johnston. 

Athy Volunteers. » 
Associated September, 1779. — Scarlet, 
faced White. 

Athy Rangers. 
Captain Weldon. 

Attorneys' Corps. 

Aughnacloy Battalion. 
Scarlet, faced White. 
Colonel P. Alexander. 

Aughnacloy Volunteers. 
Captain Thomas Forsyth. 

Ashfield Volunteers. 
Blue, faced Blue. 
Captain H. Clements. 

Aughrim Corps of Cork. 
Associated March 17th, 1778. — Scar- 
let, faced Scarlet, edged White. 
Colonel Richard Longfield. 
Major Edward Jameson. 
Captain Samuel Rowland. 

Aughrim Light Horse. 
Scarlet, faced pea Green. 
Colonel Walter Lambert. 

Bantry Volunteers. 
Associated July 12th, 1779. — Scarlet, 
faced Black, edged White. 

Ballintemple Forresters. 
Associated July 12th, 1779. — Scarlet, 
faced Blue. 
Captain Stewart. 

Ballyroom Cavalry. 
Barony Rangers. 
Associated March 17th, 1778. — Scar- 
let, faced Black. 
Colonel Andrew Armstrong. 
Captain Robert Shervington. 




Barony of Forth Corps. 
Associated January 1st, 1779. — Scar- 
let, faced Blue. 
Major Hughes. 

Ballyleek Rangers. 

Associated in 1779. — Scarlet, faced 
White, Gold Lace. 
Colonel John Montgomery. 

Bandon Cavalry. 
Colonel S. Stawell. 
Major John Travers. 

Bandon Independent Company. 
Colonel Francis Bernard. 
Captain Robert Seale. 

Ballina and Ardnaree (loyal) 

Associated July 1st, 1779. — Scarlet, 
faced Black. 
Colonel Right Honourable Henry King. 
Major Henry Cary. 

Ballymascanlan Rangers, 
(Co. Louth). 
Captain R. M'Xeale. 

Belfast Union. 
Associated June 12th, i77^. — Scar- 
let, faced Blue. 
Captain Lyons. 

Belfast Light Dragoons. 
Associated March 26th, 1781. — Scar- 
let, faced Green, Silver Lace. 
Captain Burden. 

Belfast Battalion. 

Associated April 1779. — Scarlet, 
faced Black. 
Colonel Stewart Banks. 
Major Brown. 

Belfast Volunteer Company. 

Associated April 6th, 1778. — Blue, 
faced Blue, Laced Hats. 
Captain Brown. 
Do. S.M'Tier. 

Belfast First Volunteer Company. 
Associated March 17th, 1778. — Scar- 
let, faced Black. 
Captain Waddel Cunningham. 

Belfast United Volunteer Com 
Blackwater Volunteers. 

Colonel Richard Aldworth. 
Lieutenant Colonel Robert Stanard. 

Blackpool Association. 
Colonel John Harding. 
Lieutenant Colonel Thomas Barry. 

Blarney Volunteers. 
Lieutenant Colonel Daniel Gibbs. 
Captain Edward O'Donnoghue. 

Borriss Volunteers. 
Associated in 1779. — Scarlet, faced 
Colonel Kavanagh. 

Borriss in Ossory Rangers. 

Associated August 1st, 1779. — Scar- 
let, faced Black, Silver Epaulets. 
Captain Commandant James Stephens. 
Lieutenant Erasmus Burrowes. 
Ensign Walter Stephens. 

Boyne Volunteer Corps. 

Colonel John Bagwell. 
Major John Bass. 
Lieutenant Charles Willcock». 

Builders' Corps. 

Associated November 4th, 1761.— 
Blue, faced Blue, edged Scarlet. 
Colonel Read. 

Burrassakane Volunteers. 
Major Thomas Stoney. 

Castlebar Independents. 

Associated March 1 7th, 1779. — Scar- 
let, faced deep Green. 
Colonel Pk. Randal M'Donald. 

Castlebar Volunteers. 
Lieutenant Colonel Jordan, M. S. 
Carrick on Shannon Infantry. 
Associated August, 1779. — Scarlet, 
faced Blue. 
Lieutenant Colonel Peyton. 

Castle Mount Garret Volunteers. 
Associated in 1778. — Scarlet, faced 
deep Green. 
Colonel D. G. Browne. 
Lieutenant John Henry. 

Callan Union. 
Associated April 1st, 1779. — Green, 
edged White. 
Captain Elliott. 

Caledon Volunteers. 
I Captain James Dawson. 

Carlow Association. 

Associated September 1st, 1779. — 
Scarlet, faced Black. 
Major Eustace, M. S. 
Lieutenant and Adjutant T. Proctor. 

Carrick on Suir Union. 
Captain Edward Morgan Mandeville. 



\_ Appendix. 

Carberry Independent Company. 
Captain John Townshend. 

Carrickfergus Company. 
Associated April 3rd, 1779 — Scar- 
let, faced pea Green. 
Captain Mai riot Dalway. 
Lieutenant Rice. 

Carton Union. 
Colonel H. Cane. 

Castlecomer Hunters and Light 

Colonel Lord Wandesford. 

Castledermott Volunteers. 
Captain Robert Power. 

Castledurrow Light Horse. 
Associated August, 1778. — Green, 
edged White. 
Captain Richard Lavvrenson. 

Castledurrow Volunteers. 
Associated July 1st, 1779. — Green, 
edged White, Silver Lace. 
Captain Bathorn. 

Castletown Union. 
Captain Com. Right Hon. T. Conolly. 

Cavan (County) Volunteers. 
Colonel Enery. 

Cavan Independent Volunteers. 
Carlow (County) Legion. 
Associated September 1st, 1779. — 
Scarlet, faced Lemon Colour. 
Colonel J. Rochfort. 
Major Henry Bunbury. 

Charleville Infantry. 

Associated January 4th, 1779. — 
Blue, faced Scarlet. 
Colonel Chidley Coote. 
Major H. George Hatfield. 

Clanricarde Brigade. 
Associated June, 1 782. — Scarlet,faced 

Major Darcy. 

Clanricarde Infantry. 
Captain David Power. 

Clanricarde Cavalry. 
Colonel Peter Daly. 
Captain P. D'Arcy. 

Clanwilliam Union. 
Colonel Earl of Clanwilliam. 
Captain Alleyn. 

Clane Rangers. 

Associated September, 1779. — Scar- 
let, faced White. 
Captain Michael Aylmer. 

Clonmel Independents. 
Colonel Bagwell. 

Clonlonan Light Infantry. 
Colonel George Clibborne. 

Cork Independent Artillery. 
Associated March 1 7th, 1 781 . — Blue, 
faced Scarlet, Gold Lace. 
Colonel Richard Hare. 

Constitution Regiment (Co. 
Scarlet, faced Yellow. 
Captain Ford. 
Do. Gawin Hamilton. 

Coleraine Volunteers. 

Colonel Richardson. 
Lieutenant Colonel Canning. 
Major Lyle. 

Coolock Independents, North* 
Captain James Walker. 

Coolock Independents. 
Colonel Richard Talbot. 

Connaught Volunteers. 

Counagh Rangers. 
Colonel Percival. 

Conner Volunteers. ' 

Cork Union. 
Henry Hickman Commandant. 

Cork Cavalry. 

Colonel William Chetwynd. 
Major John Gilman. 
Captain John Smyth. 

Crossmolina Infantry and Ar- 

Cullenagh Rangers. 
Colonel Barrington. 

Culloden Volunteer Society of 

Colonel Benjamin Bousfield. 
Captain Lieutenant Henry Newsom. 

Comber Battalion. 
Colonel David Ross. 

Curraghmore Rangers. 
Captain Shee. 

Delvin Volunteers. 

Colonel Thomas Smyth. 

Appendix. ~] 



Donegal First Regiment. 
Lieutenant Colonel Hamilton. 

Doneraile Rangers. 
Colonel Right Hon. Lord Doneraile. 
Captain Nicholas G. Evans. 

Down Volunteers. 

Captain Henry West. 

Down First Regiment, 2d Bat- 

Blue, faced Orange. 
Colonel Stewart. 

Down Fuzileers. 

Captain Trotter. 

Drogheda Association. 

Associated in 1777. — Scarlet, faced 
Pomona Green, Gold laced Hats. 
Colonel Mead Ogle. 
Lieut- Colonel H. Montgomery Lyons. 
Major William Cheshire. 
Captain Oliver Fairtlough. 
Lieutenant William Holmes. 
Lieutenant John Ackland. 

Dromore Volunteers, (Co. 
Scarlet, faced Green. 
Colonel John Mahony. 

Druniahare Blues. 

Lieutenant Armstrong. 

Drumbridge Volunteers. 
Major A. G. Stewart. 

Dublin Volunteer-. 
Associated October 6th, 1778. — Blue, 
faced Blue, edged Scarlet, Yellow 
Colonel Duke of Leinster. 
Lieutenant Colonel H. Monck. 
Captain N. Warren. 
Lieutenant E. Medlicott, 

Dublin (County) Light Dragoons. 
Associated August, 1779. — Scarlet, 
faced Black. 
Colonel Right Hon. Luke Gardiner. 
Captain Everard. 

Dublin Independent Volunteers. 

Associated April 24th, 1780 Scar- 
let, faced dark Green. 
Colonel Henry Grattan. 
Lieut. Colonel Right Hon. H. Flood. 
Major Samuel Canier. 

Duhallow Rangers. 

Col. the Hon. Charles George Percival 
Lieutenant Colonel William Wrixon. 

Duleek Light Company. 

Associated July, 1778. — Scarlet, faced 

Captain Thomas Trotter. 

Dunkerrin Volunteers. 

Associated June 20th, 1779. — Scar- 
let, faced Black. 
Colonel J. F. Rolleston. 

Dunlavin Light Dragoons. 

Associated in 1777. — White, faced 
Black, Silver Lace. 
Colonel M. Saunders. 
Captain Charles Oulton. 

Dunlavin Corps. 
Dunmore Rangers. 

Associated August, 1779. — Green 
edged White. 
Colonel Sir Robert Staples, Bart. 

Dundalk Ind. Light Dragoons. 

Captain Thomas Read. 

Dundalk Horse. 
Scarlet, faced Green. 
I. W. Foster, Esq. 

Dundalk Artillery. 
Dungarvan Volunteers. 

Captain Boate. 

Dungiven Battalion. 
Associated June 14th, 1778. — Scarlet, 
faced Black. 
Major Thomas Bond. 
Captain Thomas Fanning. 

Dunmore Volunteers. 
Dungannon Battalion. 

Major O'Duffin. 

Durrow Light Dragoons, 
Dungannon Volunteers. 

Captain Richardson. 

Echlih Vale Volunteers 

Associated October 19th, 177* — 
Scarlet, faced White. 
Captain Charles Echlin. 

Edenderry Union. 
Associated May 1st, 1777. — Scarlet, 
faced Black. 
Captain Shaw Cartland. 

Edgeworthstown Battalion. 

Associated in 1779. — Blue, faced 

Colonel Sir W. G. Newcomen, Bart, 




Eglish Rangers. 
Associated August 29th, 1779. — 
Scarlet, faced Black, Silver Epaulets. 

Major Thomas Berry. 

Captain John Drought. 

Lieutenant and Adjutant J. Clarke. 

Ennis Volunteers. 

Associated October 12th, 1778. 

Scarlet, faced Black. 
Colonel William Blood. 

Enniscc-rthy Light Dragoons, 

Colonel Phaire. 

Captain Charles Dawson. 

Enniscorthy Artillery. 
Colonel Joshua Pounden. 
Major William Bennett. 

Eyrecourt Buffs. 
Associated June 1st, 1779. — Scarlet, 
faced BufF, Gold Epaulets. 
Colonel Giles Eyre. 
Captain Stephen Blake. 

Independent Enniskilleners. 
Scarlet, faced Black. 
Captain James Armstrong. 

Farbill Light Dragoons. 
Captain Robert Cook. 

Fartullagh Rangers. 
Associated October 1st, 1779. — Scar- 
let, faced Blue. 
Colonel Rochfort Hume. 

Fethard Independents. 
Major Matthew Jacob. 

First Irish Volunteers, 
(Co. Wexford.) 
Lieutenant Colonel Derenzy. 

Finea Independents. 
Associated May 1st, 1779.— Scarlet, 
faced Blue. 
Colonel Coyne Nugent. 

Fingal Light Dragoons. 
Associated June 27th, 1783. — Scar- 
let, faced White. 
Captain Thomas Baker. 

Finglass Volunteers. 

Colonel Segrave 

Fore Infantry Loyalists. 

Major William Pollard. 
Captain Nugent. 

Fore Cavalry & Finea Rangers. 
Colonel William Gore, (Finea Rangers.) 

French Park Light Horse. 

Associated June, 1779. — Scarlet, 
faced Black, edged White, Gold 

Lieut. Colonel Edward M'Dermott. 
Lieutenant Owen M'Dermott. 

Galway Volunteers. 
Colonel Richard Martin. 
Major John Blake. 

Galway (County) Volunteers. 

Garrycastle Light Cavalry. 

Glanmire Union. 
Colonel Henry Mannix. 
Captain Simon Dring. 

Glenboy & Killemat Regiment. 
Associated August 1st, 1779. — Scar- 
let, faced Blue, Silver Lace. 
Colonel Cullen. 

Glendermot Battalion. 
Colonel George Ash. 

Glin Royal Artillery. 
Associated April, 1776. — Blue, faced 
Blue, Scarlet Cuffs and Capes, 
Gold Lace. 
Colonel J. Fitzgerald, Knight of Glin. 
Lieutenant Colonel Thomas Burgess. 

Glorious Memory Battalion. 
Associated in 1780. — Scarlet, faced 
grass Green. 
Colonel T. Morris Jones. 

Goldsmiths' Corps. 
Associated March 17th, 1779. — Blue, 
faced Scarlet, Gold Lace. 
Captain Benjamin O'Brien. 

Gort Light Dragoons. 

Major James Galbraith. 

Gortin Volunteers. 
Hon. Arth. Colonel Hamilton. 
Lieutenant Lennon. 

Graigue (Q. C.) Volunteers. 
Associated May 1st, 1779. — Blue, 
faced Scarlet, Silver Lace. 
Colonel B. Bagnal. 

Granard Infantry Union Brigade. 

Associated May 1st, 1782 Scarlet, 

faced Blue. 
Captain C. E. Hamilton. 

Granard Volunteers. 

Colonel Earl of Granard. 
Lieutenant Robert Holmes. 




Hanover Society. 

Colonel Richard Hungerford. 

Hollywood Volunteers. 

Captain John Kennedy. 

Hibernian Light Dragoons. 
Ida Light Dragoons. 

Major Fitzgerald. 

Imokilly Horse, (Co. Cork.) 

White, edged Scarlet. 
Colonel Roche. 

Lieutenant Colonel Robert M'Carthy. 

First Volunteers of Ireland. 
Associated July 1st, 1766. — Scarlet, 
faced Blue. 
Colonel Sir Vesey Colclough, Bart. 

Irish Brigade. 

Associated June 5th, 1782. — Scarlet, 
faced grass Green, Silver Lace 
Captain Charles Abbott. 

Iveagh First Battalion. 

Colonel Sir Richard Johnston. 

Iverk Volunteers. 
Colonel Right Hon. John Ponsonby. 
Major Osborne. 

Inchegelagh Volunteers. 
Captain Commandant Jasper Masters. 
Lieutenant John Bo vie. 

Imokilly Blues. 

Colonel Robert Uniacke Fitzgerald. 

Kanturk Volunteers. 

Colonel Right Hon. Earl of Egmont. 

Kell's Association. 

Associated November 1st, 1779. — 
Scarlet, faced Green. 
Lieutenant Colonel Benjamin Morris. 

Kerry Legion. 
Colonel Arthur Blenerhasset. 
Major Godfrey. 

Kile Volunteers. 
Associated August 1st, 1779. — Scar- 
let, faced Blue, Silver Lace. 
Colonel diaries White. 

Kilcullen Rangers. 

Associated September, 1779 Scar- 
let, faced White. 
Captain Keating. 

Kilcoursey Union. 
Major Bagot. 

Kilcooly True Blues. 
Associated in 1779. — Blue, faced 

Colonel Sir William Barker, Bart. 


Kildare Infantry. 
Captain James Spencer. 

Kilkenny Rangers. 
Associated January l 2d, 1770. — 

Green, with Silver Lace. 
Colonel Mossom. 
Major Wemys. 

Kilkenny Horse. 
Colonel Cuffe. 

Killala Infantry. 
Killimoon Battalion and Artillery 

Robert White, Adjutant. 

First Killinchy Independent 
Volunteer Company. 
Captain Gawin Hamilton. 

Kilmore Light Infantry. 
Matthew Forde, jun. 

Kinnilea & Kirrikuriky Union. 
Colonel Thomas Roberts. 
Lieutenant Colonel Thomas Herrick. 
Major John Roberts. 

Kinsale Volunteers. 
Colonel Kearney. 
Captain Leary. 

Killivan Volunteers. 
Associated December 25th, 1779. — 
Scarlet, faced Green. 
Major William Smith. 

Kilmain Horse and Infantry. 

Kilkenny Volunteers. 
Associated June 10th, 1779. — Blue, 
faced Scarlet, Gold Lace. 
Colonel Thomas Butler. 
Lieutenant Colonel Knaresbrough. 
Captains Laffan, Shanahan, Purcell. 
Ensign Davis. 

Kilkenny Independents. 
Major Roche. 

Knox's Independent Troop. 

Lagan Volunteers. 

Lame Royal Volunteers. 

Lawyers' Corps. 
Associated April, 1779. — Scarlet, 
faced Blue, Gold Lace. 
Colonel Townley Patten Filgate. 

Lambeg, Lisburne, &c. Volun- 

R. H. M'Neil, Commandant. 




^Lawyers' Artillery. 
Captain William Holt. 

Larne Independents. 
Associated April, 1782. — Scarlet, 
faced Blue. 
Captain White. 

Limavady Battalion. 
Associated November 7th, 1777. — 
Scarlet, faced Black. 
Colonel James Boyle* 

Leitrim Rangers. 

Leap Independents. 
Associated March 17th, 1 780* — Blue, 
faced Blue, edged White. 
Colonel Jonathan Darby. 

Lecale Battalion (Co. Down.) 
Lieutenant Charles McCarthy. 

Liberty Volunteers. 
Associated July, 1779. — Scarlet, faced 
pea Green. 
Colonel Sir Edward Newenham. 
Captain Edward Newenham. 

Limerick Loyal Volunteers. 
Brigadier General Thomas Smyth. 
Captain George Pitt. 

Limerick Independents. 
Associated September, 1776. — Scarlet, 
faced Green, Silver Lace. 
Colonel John Prendergast. 
Major C. Powell. 

Lismore Independent Blues. 

Limerick Volunteers. 

Liberty Artillery. 
Captain Tandy. 

Liney Volunteers. 
Associated in 1778. — Scarlet, faced 

Major George Dodweli. 

Limerick Cavalry. 
Scarlet, faced Blue, Silver -Lace. 

Lisburne Fusileers. 
Scarlet, faced Blue. 
Lieutenant John Kenby. 

Londonderry Regiment. 
Colonel John Ferguson. 

Lorha Rangers. 
Capt. Walsh. 

Loughal Volunteers. 

Loughinshillen Volunteers. 

Loughinshillen Battalion. 
General Rt. Hon. Thos. Conolly. 
Colonel Staples. 
Lieutenant Colonel Dawson. 
Major John Downing. 

Lower Iveagh Legion. 
Lowtherstown, &c. Ind. Volun- 

Associated in 1779. — Scarlet, faced 

Colonel William Irvine. 
Londonderry Ind. Volunteer 
Captain J. Ferguson. 

Loughgall Volunteers. 
Captain J. Blackall. 

Longford (County) Lt. Horse. 
Earl of Granard. 

Londonderry Fuzileers. 
Associated June 14th, 1778. — Scar- 
let, faced Blue, 
Lieutenant A. Scott. 
Adjutant Henry Delap. 

Longford Light Horse'. 
Associated in 1779.— Buff faced 
Colonel H. Nisbitt. 

Maguire's Bridge Volunteers. 

Magherafelt Volunteers, 1st. 
Associated June, 1773. — Scarlet, faced 
Captain A. Tracy. 
Lieutenant Richard Dawson. 
Ensign R. Montgomery. 

Mallow Independent Volunteers. 
Mallow Boyne Cavalry and In- 

Captain Cavalry Rogerson Cotter. 
Do. Infantry William Gall way. 

Maryborough Volunteers. 
Associated May, 1 776. — Scarlet, faced 

Colonel Sir J. Parnell, Bart. 

Meath Volunteers. 

Merchants' Corps. 
Associated June 9th, 1779.— Scarlet, 
faced Blue, Gold Lace. 
Captain Theos Dixon. 
Do. C. M, M'Mahon. 

Merchants' Artillery. 
Captain George Maquay. 




Mitchelstown Independent Light 

Scarlet, faced Black. 
Colonel Rt. Hon. Lord Kingsborough. 
Lieut. Col. Henry Cole Bowen, Esq. 
Major James Badham Thornhill. 

Monaghan Independents. 

Monaghan Rangers. 
Associated January 10th, 1780. — 
Scarlet, faced White. 
Colonel William Forster. 

Monaghan First Battalion. 
Colonel J. Montgomery. 

Monastereven Volunteers. 

Associated October, 1778. — Scarlet, 
faced White. 
Captain Houlton Anderson. 

Mote Light Infantry. 
Associated in 1778. — Scarlet, faced 
pea Green. 
Colonel Sir H. Lynch Blosse, Bart. 

Mountain Rangers. 

Associated August 1.5th, 1779. — 
Scarlet, faced Black. 
Colonel Bernard. 
Major George Clarke. 
Captain John Drought. 

Mountmelick Volunteers. 

Mountnorris Volunteers. 

Moycashel Association. 

Colonel Hon. Robert Rochfort. 
Captain John Lyons. 

Mullingar Volunteers. 

Colonel, Earl of Granard. 
Lieutenant Colonel William Judge. 

Munster Volunteers. 
Muskerry True Blue Light 

Colonel Robert Warren. 
Lieutenant Colonel R. Hutchinson. 
Major Samuel Swete. 

Muskerry True Blues. 

Muskerry Volunteers. 

Capt. Commandant Tlios. Barker, Esq. 

Mullingar Association. 
Captain Robert Moore. 

Naas Rangers. 
Associated December 10th, 1779. — 
Scarlet, faced White. 
Captain Commandant R. Neville. 

Newberry Loyal Musqueteers. 

Newmarket Rangers. 

Colonel Boyle Aldworth.. 
Major Wm, Allen. 

Newport Volunteers. 

Captain Richard Waller. 

New Ross Independents. 

Associated November 17th, 1777. — 
Scarlet, faced Black. 
Colonel B. Elliot. 

Newcastle and Donore Union. 
Captain Verschoyle. 

Newry Volunteers, 1st Company. 
Captain Benson. 

Newry Volunteers, 3d Company. 
Captain David Bell. 

Newry Rangers. 
Captain Benson. 

Newtown and Castlecomer Bat- 

Captain Commandant Robert Stewart. 

Newry 1st Regiment, or Newry , 

Ormond Independents. 
Colonel Toler. 

Lieutenant Wm. Greenshields. 

Ormond Union. 

Captain Ralph Smith. 

Orior Grenadiers. 
Associated Sept. loth, 1779. — Scar- 
let, faced Black. 
Captain James Dawson. 

Offerlane Blues. 

Associated October 10th, 1773. — 
Scarlet, faced Blue, Silver Lace. 
Colonel Luke Flood. 

Ossory True Blues. 
Associated July 1st, 1779. — Scarlet, 
edged Blue. 
Colonel Edward Flood. 
Major Robert Palmer. 

Owzle Galley Corps. 

Captain Theo. Thompson. 

Passage Union Volunteers. 

Portarlington Infantry. 
Associated September 18th, 1779. — 
Scarlet, faced Yellow, Silver Lace. 
Major Commandant W. H. Legrand. 
Captain James Stannus. 
Do. Henry Carey. 
Ensign Annesley Cary. 



[ Appendix. 

Parsonstown Loyal Independents 

Associated February 15th, 1776. — 
Scarlet, faced Black, Silver Lace. 
Col. Sir William Parsons, Bart. 
Major L. Parsons. 
Captain B. B. Warburton. 
Lieutenant Edward Tracy. 
Raford Brigade (Light Cavalry). 

Associated December 26th, 1 779. — 
Scarlet, edged Blue, Gold Lace. 
Colonel Denis Daly. 

Rakenny Volunteers. 
Colonel Theophilus Clements. 
Ralphsdale Light Dragoons. 
Scarlet, faced Yellow. 
Captain John Tandy. 

Raraelton Volunteers. 
Captain James Watt. 

Raphoe Battalion. 
Associated July 1st, 1778. — Scarlet, 
faced Blue. 
Lieutenant Colonel Nisbitt. 

Rathdown Carbineers. 
Major Edwards. 

1 Rathdown Light Dragoons. 
(Co. Dublin.) 
Associated June, 1779. — Scarlet, faced 

Colonel Sir John Allen Johnson, Bart. 

Rathdowny Volunteers. 
Associated February, 1776. — Scarlet, 
faced White. 
Colonel J. Palmer. 

Rathangan Union. 
Associated August 2d, 1782. — Scar- 
let, faced White. 
Captain William Montgomery. 

Rockingham Volunteers. 

Associated Sept. 7th, 1779- — Blue, 
faced Blue, edged Scarlet, Yellow 
Colonel Nixon. 
Major Chamney. 

Roscrea Blues. 
Associated July 21st, 1779. — Blue, 
faced Blue, Gold Lace. 
Colonel L. Parsons. 

Rosanallis Volunteers. 
Associated July 1st, 1774. — Scarlet, 
faced Blue, Silver Lace. 
Colonel Richard Croasdale. 
Major George Sandes. 
Captains L. Sandes. 

J. Sabatier. 
A. Johnson. 
Lieutenant William Tracey. 

Roscommon Independent For- 

Associated May 1st, 1779 — Scarlet, 
faced Green. 
Colonel R. Waller. 
Lieut. Col. Thomas M'Dermott, 
Major Edward Dowling. 

Ross Union Rangers. 
Associated August 1st, 1779. — Scar- 
let, faced Green. 
Colonel Drake. 

Ross Volunteer Guards. 
Associated Sept. 20th, 1779 Scar- 
let, faced Black. 
Capt. Lieut. H. T. Houghton. 

Roxborough Volunteers. 
Associated in 1777.— Scarlet, faced 
Blue, Silver Epaulets. 
Colonel William Perse. 

Royal 1st Regt. (Co. Antrim.) 
Scarlet, faced Blue, Gold Lace. 
Major A. M'Manus. 

Saintfield Light Infantry. 
Captain Nicholas Price. 

Skreen Corps. 
Lord Killeen. 

Skreen Corps of Dragoons. 
Colonel John Dillon. 
Captain James Cheney. 

Slane Volunteers. 
Lieut. John Forbes. 

Slievardagh Light Dragoons. 

Sligo Loyal Volunteers. 
Associated May 25th, 1779 Scar- 
let, faced White. 
Lieutenant Colonel Ormsby. 

Society Volunteers of Derry. 
Associated March 1 7th, 1 782. — Scar- 
let, faced Blue. 
Captain Wm. Moore. 

Strabane Battalion. 
Lieut. Col. Charleton. 

Stradbally Volunteers. 
Associated Oct. 12th, 1779.— Scarlet, 
faced Blue, Silver Lace. 
Colonel Thomas Cosby. 

Strokestown Light Horse. 
Associated November, 1779. — Scarlet, 
faced Yellow. 
Major Gilbert Conry. 

Appendix. ~\ 



Talbotstown Invincibles. 
Associated December, 17SO. — Scar- 
let, faced deep Green, 
Col. Nicholas Westby. 
Major John Smith- 
Lieut. ¥. Wm Greene. 

Tallow Blues. 

Captain Commandant George Bowles. 

Tipperary Light Dragoons and 

Tipperary Infantry. 
Lieutenant Colonel Baker. 

Tipperary Volunteers. 
Associated May lst,*1776. — Scarlet, 
faced Black, Silver Lace. 
Captain James Roe. 

Tralee Royal Volunteers. 

Associated Jan.* 7th, 1779 Scarlet, 

faced Blue, Gold Lace 
Colonel Sir Barry Denny, Bart. 

Trim Infantry. 
Associated July 12th, 1779.— Scar- 
let, faced Black. 
Captain W. H. Finlay. 

Trim and Ratoath Volunteers. 

Colonel Earl of Mornington. 

(afterwards Marquis of Wellesley.) 

True Blue Legion. City of Cork. 

Colonel the Rt. Hon. Earl of Shannon. 
Lieutenant Colonel Morrison. 

True Blue cV Society Volunteers. 
True Blue Legion, Co. 

Colonel Right. Hon. Earl of Shannon. 
Lieutenant Colontl James Morrisson. 
Major Michael Westropp. 

True Blue Volunteers London- 

Captain Lieutenant Moore. 
Captain William Lecky. 

True Blue Battalion. (Co. Ferma- 

Colonel Archdall. 
Captain Lendrum. 

Tullamore True Blue Rangers. 

Associated October 28th, 1778. — 
Scarlet, faced Blue, Silver Lace. 
Colonel Charles William Bury. 

Tullow Rangers. 
Associated August 10th, 177S. — Scar- 
let, faced Black, White Buttons. 
Captain Whclan. 

Tully Ash Real Volunteers. 

Associated October loth, 1783. — 
Scarlet, faced Black, Silver Lace. 
Colonel J. Dawson Lawrence. 
Captain A. Dawson Lawrence. 

Tyrawley Rangers. 
Tyrrell True Blues. 
Tyrrels' Pass Volunteers. 

Associated in 1 776. — Grey, faced 
Scarlet, Silver Lace. 
Captain Honourable Robert Moore. 
Tyrone First Regiment. 
Associated July 1 780. — Scarlet, faced 
deep Blue. 
Colonel James Stewart. 
Lieutenant Colonel Charlton. 
Ulster Volunteer True Blue Bat- 

Associated 3d September, 1779. 

Blue, faced Scarlet. 
Major Robert Barden. 
J Lieutenant George Tandy. 

Ulster (First) Regiment. 

Scarlet, faced White. 
Colonel Earl of Charlemont. 
' Lieut. Colonels Sir W. Synnot, Right 
Honourable William Brownlow, 
C. M'Cau*land. 
Captain G. W. Molyneux. 

Ulster (Third) Regiment. 
Lieutenant Colontl William Ross. 

Ulster (Fourth) Regiment. 

Scarlet, faced Blue. 
Colonel R. M'Clintock. 

Ulster Regiment. 

Ulster Regiment Artillery. 
Blue, faced Scarlet. 
Captain Thomas Ward. 

Union Regiment (Moira). 

Lieutenant Colonel Sharman. 
Captain Fatton. 

Union Rangers. 

Captain Arthur Dawson. 

Union Light Dragoons [Co. 

Scarlet, faced Green. 
Captain G. Lucas Xugent. 

Union Light Dragoons, (City of 
Associated Sept. 12th, 1780. — Scar- 
let, faced Green. 
Captain Commandant R. Cornwall. 
Lieutenant J. Talbot Ashenhurst. 



Upper Cross and Coolock Inde- 
pendent Volunteers. 
Associated October, 1779. — Scarlet, 
faced Black. 

Waterford Volunteer Companies. 

I, 2, 5, 4, and 5. 

Waterford City Royal Oak Vo- 

Waterford Artillery & Infantry.* 

No. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, and 7. 
Captain Hannibal William Dobbyn. 

Waterford Royal Battalion. 
Associated April 25th, 1779. — Scar- 
let, faced Blue. 
Major William Alcock. 
Captain Robert Shapland Carew. 

Waterford Artillery. 
Captain Joshua Paul. 

Waterford Infantry. 
Waterford Union. 
Associated, November 6th, 1779. — 
Scarlet, faced Green. 
Captain Thomas Christmas. 

Westport Volunteers. 
Wexford Independent Light 

Associated the autumn of 1775. — 
Scarlet, faced Royal Blue. 
Colonel John Beauman. 

Wexford Independents. 
Wexford Independent Volun- 

Associated October 4th, 1779. — Scar- 
let, faced Black. 
Captain and Adjutant Miller Clifford. 

White House Volunteers. 
Wicklow Forresters. 

Associated July 1st, 1779. — Scarlet, 
faced Light Blue. 
Colonel Samuel Hayes. 
Captain Thomas King 
Do. Andrew Prior. 

Wicklow Association Artillery. 

Blue, faced Scarlet. 
Thomas Montgomery Blair, Esq. 

Willsborough Volunteers. 
Associated October 1779. — Dark 
Green, edged White. 
Colonel Thomas Willis. 
Major Owen Young. 

Youghal Independent Rangers. 
Lieutenant Colonel Meade Hobsun. 
Major John Swayne. 

Youghal Independent Volunteers. 
Captain Boles. 

Youghal Union. 
Major Thomas Green. 


Freedom of Corporation of Weavers. 
Be it remembered, that on the First Day of October, 1779, 
the Corporation of Weavers, Dublin, did unanimously vote the 
Freedom of their Guild, to Henry G rattan, Esq., for his 
very eminent Service to the Manufactures of Ireland, and his 
uniform and truly patriotic conduct in Parliament. 

JOHN COSTLY, ) wamens - 

Be it remembered, that at a General Quarter Assembly, 
held at the Tholsel of the City of Dublin, on Friday the 15th day 
of October, 1779 : The Right Honourable James Hamilton being 
Lord Mayor of the said City, William James and John Exshaw, 
Esquires, being Sheriffs thereof, the Freedom of the said City 
was unanimously granted to Henry Grattan, Esq. Member 
of Parliament for the Borough of Charlemont, as the highest mark 
of esteem and regard for him, and of our entire approbation of his 




conduct in. Parliament, and of his having in a peculiar manner 
exerted his great abilities to obtain a free Trade for this Kingdom. 

In testimony whereof, we have caused the common Seal of the 
said City to be hereunto affixed, the day and year above written. 

Bv the Master, Wardens, and Brethren of the Corporation of 
Weavers, Dublin. 
To Henry Grattan, Esq. 
Sir, 1st January, 17 SO. 

We. the Master, Wardens, and Brethren of the Corporation 
of Weavers, reflecting that whilst a Free Trade shall be con- 
sidered as an important national object, so long must a grate- 
ful reflection of your steady and patriotic conduct in the pursuit 
of it, be deeply impressed on the mind of every friend of Ireland. 

To the spirited exertion of these great abilities, by which you 
are so eminently distinguished, on the first day of this memorable 
Session of Parliament, must be principally attributed these essen- 
tial advantages which our commerce has at length obtained ; and 
entertaining the most lively sense of your unwearied endeavours 
to secure to your country a permanent enjoyment of these advan- 
tages, by restoring the constitution to the proper spirit and 
ancient form, so that her Rights and Liberties may be ascertained, 
and her Trade be free and under the exclusive controul of her 
own Legislature. 

We think ourselves highly highly honoured in embracing this 
opportunity of enrolling in our Guild the name of a man whose 
virtuous Parliamentary Conduct, and whose able and uniform sup- 
port of the Rights and Privileges of Irishmen, cannot fail to be 
revered bv everv friend to this kingdom. 

FRANCIS SAUL, j * ardens - 

Mr. Grat tan's Ansner. 


I find myself happy in the recollection of having, the first 
day of this Session, stopped a Government Address which other- 
wise would have passed unanimous, without any amendment 
for the Trade of Ireland. — I am glad also that I did not consider 
the trade of this country free, while the Parliament of England 
claimed and exercised over us a legislative authority. When we 
shall have established in every breast a decided sense against the 
power of a foreign Parliament, and shall have regulated the whole 
policy of this country, particularly the army, by our own Par- 
liament ; then will the Trade of Ireland be founded in freedom, 
and the claims of the British Legislature imaginary. 

I am unable to express the sense which I entertain of the com- 
pliments you are pleased to bestow on me ; by an indefatigable 
uniformity of conduct, I shall endeavour to deserve them. 

I have the honour to be, 

Your most humble Servant, 






To the Right Honourable James, Earl of Charlemont, Sir 
Annesley Stuart, Bart, and Henry Grattan, Esq, 

1st January, 1780. 
We, the undernamed Gentlemen, Freeholders, and Inhabitants 
of the county of Armagh, consider ourselves as particularly 
and personally called upon by the importance of the present junc- 
ture, to furnish every public and possible proof of a steady, sin- 
cere, and zealous attachment to the friends and the interests of 

To pass over in silence the authors and abettors of those great 
national measures, which are now shaking the commercial fetters 
from their fellow citizens — to overlook the merits of men, who, 
by the most strenuous and spirited exertions of genius and virtue, 
have exhibited to their native country the enlivening prospect of 
political as well as of commercial emancipation — to leave merits 
and men, so signal and illustrious, solely to the justice of posterity, 
as if posthumous honours were in this life the only reward of 
public virtue, would argue tlie highest degree both of moral and 
political depravity, and throw a lasting and indelible reproach on 
the name and the annals of Ireland ; a charge which this kingdom 
would undoubtedly incur, and a reproach which she would most 
deservedly merit, if on this memorable occasion the names and 
the services of Lord Charlemont and his friends were unnoticed 
or forgotten. 

With these opinions and these sentiments we should stand inex- 
cusable to ourselves, to our country, and to mankind, if we omitted 
the first opportunity of conveying to you, in the most public man- 
ner, our hearty and sincere thanks ; and of assuring you, that we 
want language to express those feelings of respect, gratitude, 
and affection, with which your conduct and your merits have 
inspired us. 

Signed by 84?0 Freeholders. 

1st January, 1780. 


17th January, 1780. 

Be it remembered, that on Monday the 17th day of January, 
One thousand seven hundred and eighty, being Quarter Day of 
the Holy Trinity Guild of Merchants, Dublin ; John Rose and 
William Alexander, Esquires, being Masters ; William Worthington 
and Richard Moncrieffe, Esquires, Wardens: The Freedom of 
the said Guild was unanimously ordered to be presented to Henry 
Grattan, Esquire, for his steady conduct in Parliament, and his 
uniform and able exertions to promote the prosperity of Ireland. 

In testimony whereof, we have caused the common seal of the 
said Guild to be hereunto affixed, the day and year aforesaid. 




To which Resolution he was pleased to return the following 


Instead of returning formal thanks for the honour you have 
conferred upon me, let me bind myself to new duties in your 
service ; to strain every nerve to effectuate a modification of the 
Law of Poynings, also to secure this country against the illegal 
claims of the British Parliament ; and as a foundation to propose 
(if it seems the general sense, and if no person of more experience 
undertakes it,) immediately after the recess, " A Declaration of the 
Rights of Ireland." I know this measure is necessary for securing, 
upon lasting foundations, your Trade, Property, and Freedom, and 
is the only true and effectual method of improving the good under- 
standing between Great Britain and this island, into an unaffected 
confidence, and a genuine affection. The success of both these mea- 
sures is within the compass of the legal efforts of the people, and 
stands in need of them all; a late defiance thrown out to the sub- 
jects of this country, containing an indirect aspersion of their 
present constitutional proceedings, and a weak effort to deter from 
securing liberty, the general sense and national spirit of this king- 
dom, which has recently restored the exercise of its commerce, 
should incite you the more to insist upon the two great measures 
you have in contemplation. I conceive them to be the ultimatum 
of Ireland, and (without giving up retrenchment and the bills 
already sent over,) we ought not to ask for more, nor take less. 

I have the honour, 
With great respect to be, &c. 



April, 1780. 

At a full Meeting of the North Coolock Independents, JOSEPH 
WALKER, Esq. Captain Commandant in the Chair, the follow- 
ing Address to Henry Grattan, Esq. was unanimously agreed 
on, and the Officers of the Corps desired to wait on him with the 


Feeling that your truly patriotic conduct in Parliament, 
is impressed on our minds in such strong characters of gratitude 
as no language can express, we content ourselves with request- 
ing your acceptance of our heartfelt thanks for the benefits we are 
likely to derive from the same. 

Sir, I have the honour, under the general appointment of the 
Ennis Volunteers, of conveying to you the enclosed address, as 
the best mark of their approbation of your Parliamentary conduct. 

14<4< SHORT MONEY BILL. [Appendix. 

'Tis part of my instructions to publish the Address, and whatever 
Answer you shall be pleased to give it. 

I am, Sir, 
With the most perfect respect, 

Your obedient humble Servant, 

Lan. Comyne. 

Bride Street, 18th April, 1780. 

The Address of the Ennis Volunteers to Henry Grattan, Esq. 

The very zealous and successful attention with which you have 
supported the general interests and asserted the universal rights 
of this nation, and above all your late spirited and seasonable 
exhortations to the people, demand that fulness of gratitude and 
applause which it is difficult sufficiently to mark by expression. 
Accept then, Sir, our plain and honest thanks. 

Lieut. Col. Blood, 

April 1. and 140 others. 

At a Meeting of the Mullingar Association held in the Court 
House on the 22d of April, 1780. 
The Honble. ROBERT MOORE, in the Chair. 

Resolved, That we will support, at the risque of every thing 
that is dear to us, the determinations of the virtuous Members of 
the Legislature, as we look upon those only to be our represent- 
atives, who act strictly consistent with the good of the people. „ 

Resolved, That limiting the supplies to one year will be most 
material to this kingdom, and one great benefit will certainly 
accrue from it, that of rendering the frequent meeting of Parlia- 
ment absolutely necessary ; and we do not apprehend any objection 
can reasonably be made to it, as no extraordinary expence will be 
incurred, His Majesty's Representative being now constantly resi- 
dent amongst us. 

Resolved, That the thanks of this Corps be presented in the 
most respectful manner to the Honble. Robert Rochfort, for his 
virtuous and upright conduct in Parliament, as representative 
for this county ; and it is with the most particular satisfaction we 
behold (at this aera of venality and corruption) a placeman steadily 
supporting, upon every occasion, the rights of his constituents. 

Resolved, That the thanks of this Corps be presented to 
George Ogle, Esq. for his conduct in Parliament, a conduct, 
which would do honour to a Roman senate when in its purest state. 

Resolved, That the thanks of this Corps be presented to 
Henry Grattan, Esq. for the virtuous exertion of his great 
abilities in the cause of his country. 

Resolved, That the above Resolutions be printed in the West- 
meath and Dublin Journals with the answer received by our. 

Resolved, That our Chairman do transmit these our Resolu- 

Appendix.] free OMSmVTION. 145 

tions to our worthy Representative, and aJ a o to Mr. Ogle and 
Mr. G rattan in the most respectful manner. 

Signed bv Order, 

Capt. Mullingar Association. 


April 24th, 1780. 
Resolved, That the sincere and grateful Thanks of this Corps 
be presented in the most public manner to Henry Grattan, Esq. 
and the ninety-eight worthy and faithful Guardians of the People's 
Rights who supported his motion on Wednesday, the 19th inst. 
" That the King, Lords, and Commons of Ireland (only) are com- 
" petent to make Laws for the government of this kingdom." 

Signed bv Order, 

R. WALKER, Sec. 
Mr. Grattan s Answer. 


The pleasure I receive from the approbation you express 
is heightened when I consider the sentiments you discover. 

You yourselves make a declaration of right, and I never consider 
my Country destitute of freedom when the assumed supremacy of 
the British Parliament has been denied by almost every gentleman 
in the House of Commons, and has been so generally reprobated 
by the public. 

I am, Gentlemen, &c. 



April 2Sth, 1780. 
At a Meeting of the Merchants Corps of Volunteers, by Requisi- 
sitionto the President agreeable to the Constitution. 
HENRY GUDGEON, Esq. in the Chair. 
Resolved, That we would be deficient in that gratitude which 
every member of a state owes to the assertors of its Rights, 
did we omit to return in the most public manner our sincere 
Thanks to Henry Grattan, Esq. and the other truly patriotic 
and independent Senators, who, with the spirit to declare what no 
Irishman is mean enough to disavow, moved and supported in the 
House of Commons on Wednesday the 19th inst. a Resolution — 
<; That the King, Lords, and Commons of Ireland are the only 
" Power competent to make Laws to bind this Kingdom." 

Signed bv Order, 


Mr. Grattan s Answer. 


I feel myself much honoured by your respectable Corps. 
The sentiments you are pleased to express, become free subjects ; 


146 free constitution. {_Ajpy,endix. 

the declaration of such sentiments will set your Country free, and 
deter any power from making an attempt upon the liberties of 
men who entertain and publish so decided and just a sense of 
their rights and privileges. 

I am, &c. 


Monday, the 24th April, 1780. 
At a Meeting of the Coolock Independents, commanded by 
Colonel Richard Talbot. 
Lieut. JOHN PHEPOE in the Chair. 
Resolved unanimously, That the sincere Thanks of this Corps 
be presented to Henry Grattan, Esq. Captain in this Corps for 
his steady and truly patriotic conduct in Parliament, and particu- 
larly for his spirited endeavours to support the independency of 
this Kingdom by his motion for a declaration of rights, on Wed- * 
nesday the 19th inst., and that a deputation do wait on him with 
the above resolution. 

Resolved, That the Thanks of this Corps be likewise pre- 
sented to Captain Grattan for his constant attendance and atten- 
tion to his duty in the Corps ; and that these Resolutions be 
printed in Saunders Paper, and the Evening Post. 

Signed by Order, 


Lieut, and Adjt. 

Sir, April 30th, 1780. 

The Lawyers Corps (ambitious to associate with a man 
whom they consider as an ornament to their Country, and a stre- 
nuous advocate of its rights), unanimously request you to accept of 
an honorary admission into their Society as an unequivocal testi- 
mony how much they admire great abilities, when exerted in the 
cause of liberty and of virtue. They particularly request you to 
accept their warmest thanks for the noble struggle you made in 
concurrence with many of the most respectable characters in this 
Kingdom on Wednesday the 19th inst. in defence of the people's 
rights, and for the purpose of uniting the British Empire ; and as- 
sure you, however short the event of that day proved of their full 
expectations or your exertions, they are resolved firmly to support 
those rights as asserted in the Resolutions you proposed; they are 
happy to find that the principle of these Resolutions was avowed 
by every member of the house, (the servants of the Crown not ex- 
cepted), although the majority declined on the ground of its not 
being necessary at this crisis to renew declarations which stand 
unimpeached on their Journals. 

Signed by Order, 

A ppcndix.'] 



Mr, Graf tan's Ansxcer. 


I am much honoured by being made a Member of an 
Association which has long attracted my attention and admiration : 
When you declare that no power can bind this country except His 
Majesty, the Lords and Commons of Ireland, you do this nation 
signal service, by setting a great exam) le to all other Volunteer 
Corps to make the same declaration of right under the sanction of 
your body, who not only protect the nation by your arms, but pro- 
pagate the great Principles of Law and Liberty by your learning 
and authority. 

In a country possessed of our laws, and filled with men of your 
spirit : — to agitate the question of freedom, is to be free : it is there- 
fore I rejoice that the rights of Ireland have been discussed ; the 
discussion has opened the eyes of men from the sleep of a century, 
has called upon almost every principal man of the Representatives 
of the people, and by far the greater part of the Constituents, to 
deny the right of any foreign Legislature ; is now extending the 
same declaration through the great associations of this Kingdom, 
and will finally root out of this realm every remnant of the assumed 
authority of the British Parliament. 

I am happy to find you concur with me in thinking, that Liberty 
is the great bond which keeps Great Britain and Ireland insepara- 
bly united. We are attached, not yoked, to the British Nation : we 
were originally connected with England by common privileges, 
and by the same, will that connection be rendered indissoluble. 
A Slave to the Supremacy of the British Parliament, Ireland must 
be an Enemy to British Liberty, and join the Minister to demolish 
her system of government, that all his Majesty's subjects might 
be sunk into a state of equality. I conceive the Liberty of Ireland 
an additional security to the freedom of England, who, instead of 
jaded professions of loyalty from a plundered province, will now 
receive the animated affections of a free people. 

As a friend to the constitution of both Kingdoms, and to a last- 
ing and honourable coalition, I am happy to be enrolled with men 
of your Spirit and your principles. 

I have the Honour to be 
Your most humble and obedient Servant, 



I am desired by the Fethard Independents to return 
you their warmest thanks for your uniformly upright conduct in 
Parliament, and particularly for your spirited exertion on the 19th 
of April last, in support of the rights and liberties of this King- 

I am, Sir, 
Your obedient humble Servant, 


Fethard, near Clonmell, 7 
Mav 3rd. 1 780, J 

L 2 




At a General Meeting of the Fethard Independents, held the 2d 
of May, 1780. 
Major JACOB in the Chair. 
It was unanimously resolved, That Henry Grattan and Barry 
Yelverton, Esq. have merited the warmest thanks of this Corps 
for their uniformly upright conduct in Parliament, and particu- 
larly for their spirited exertions on the 19th and 26th of April last, 
in support of the rights and liberties of this Kingdom; and that 
the same be transmitted to them by Major Jacob, and printed in 
the Dublin Evening Post, and Clonmell Gazette. 


Mr, Grattan s Anstver. 


I have just received your Letter, and do request you will 
assure the Fethard Independents, how sensible I am of their ap- 
probation, and how confirmed I find myself in the pursuit of the 
rights of this Country, when so generously rewarded by the thanks 
of my fellow subjects, and supported by their spirit, 

I am, Sir, 
With great respect, 
Your most obedient humble Servant, 


Dorset Street, Dublin, \ 
May 12th, 1780. j 

To Matthew Jacob, Esq. 
Major of the Fethard Independents. 

At a Meeting of the Officers of the Barony of Strabane Battalion, 
the 6th of May, 1780. 
Lieutenant-Colonel CHARLETON in the Chair. 

To Henri/ Grattan, Esq. 


Amidst the acclamations of your virtuous fellow Citizens, 
the members who compose the Barony of Strabane Battalion are 
ambitious that their tribute of praise should be distinctly heard: — 
conspicuous abilities, directed by a warm and generous attach- 
ment to the public welfare, have marked on every occasion your 
parliamentary conduct; but never did you appear in so honourable 
a point of view, never were the friends of liberty so much in- 
debted to your exertions, as on the late important day, when, as a 
Senator, you moved in your place, " That the King, Lords, and 
" Commons of Ireland, are the only Power competent to make 
" Laws to bind us." 

This position, the truth of which no one who claims the name of 
Irishman is base enough to deny, you ably supported through the 
course of a long debate, and sanctified by your vote. This, Sir, 
was an admirable exertion of patriotism, we honour you for it ; 




and, as the only rew ard we can bestow, beg leave to assure you in 
this public manner, that we feel it with the liveliest sentiments of 

3/r. Grattans Answer. 


Very early, when political questions were discussed, you 
began by publishing your free constitutional sentiments, and ad- 
vanced the great cause of Ireland by resolutions seasonable, manly, 
and judicious; I read them with pleasure, and found there was a 
true and decided spirit in the Kingdom, which rendered it safe and 
expedient for the representatives of the people to assert their 
freedom : your present address breathes the same sentiment, and 
spreads and invigorates the same great principle. Men feeling as 
you do, and speaking as you do, will effectually emancipate Ire- 
land, and make the most timid man think it safe to be free, and 
the most shameless man blush at being a slave. I am not afraid 
to hear great bodies of true-born Irishmen speak out upon their 
rights and privileges ; on such a topic, their silence would be for- 
midable, and their decision safety. 

Feeling how much you over-value my merits, and unable to say 
any thing on that head, let me subscribe a person proud of being 
your fellow subject, 


To Henry Grattan, Esq. 
Sir, Londonderry, May 7th, 1780. 

By desire of the Londonderry Battalion, I take the liberty 
of enclosing to you their resolutions of the 4-th instant, which they 
present as testimonies of their gratitude to the men who so ably 
pleaded the cause of their Country, and as pledges of their future 
endeavours to support such measures. 

I have the honour to be> 

With respectful esteem^ 

Your most obedient humble Servant, 

A sudden and indispensable call out of town prevented me of 
the pleasure of addressing you a post sooner, which I trust will be 
accepted as a sufficient apolgy for the delay. 

To Henry Graitan, Esq. 


We rejoice that the Parliament hath unanimously declared 
to our Sovereign the grievances of His loyal subjects in Ireland. 
We rest in confidence that those grievances will now be redressed; 
l 3 




and we feel our obligations to the spirited and persevering Asser- 
tor of our rights. Finish what you have so ably begun. See our 
grievances effectually redressed, — our rights fully established. In 
this great work we are determined to support you with our lives 
and fortunes. 

We are unable to do justice to merit which will be admired and 
venerated by posterity. Accept, Sir, our thanks as a testimony 
of our gratitude ; may you long enjoy the tribute of praise, 
esteem, and affection, due by a generous people to the zealous 
champion of their liberties ! 

JOHN FERGUSON, Captain of the Londonderry 
Independent Volunteer Company. 

Mr. Grattaris Answer. 


I return you many thanks for the honour you have 
done me. I am glad to find the principle of the declaration Tmoved 
in Parliament, so generally adopted and so publicly maintained. 

The cause of Liberty receives succour from the resolution you 
make, and those who supported it the highest honour — the ap- 
probation of their fellow subjects. 

I am with great respect and gratitude, 
Your humble servant, 


Dorset Street, ") 
1 2th May 1 780. J 


At a full Meeting of the Goldsmiths' Corps of Dublin Volunteers, 
held at Goldsmiths' Hall, May 9th, 1780, the following Reso- 
lutions were agreed to. 

Resolved, That we would be wanting in that public spirit 
which so eminently distinguish Irishmen, did we omit this oppor- 
tunity of returning our most sincere Thanks to Henry Grattan, 
Esq. for his strenuous endeavours to obtain a Declaratory Law, 
" that the King, Lords, and Commons of Ireland only were com- 
petent to make Laws to bind this Country." 

Resolved, That the Thanks of this Corps be likewise returned to 
Barry Yelverton, Esq. for his steady adherence to the interest 
of this Country, and in particular for his spirited motion to obtain 
a modification of Poyning's Law. 

Resolved, That the Thanks of this Company be returned to the 
different Corps of Horse and Foot, for their obliging attendance 
this day at the General Review of the associated Corps of this 

Signed by Order, 
NATHAN. MURRAY? Sec. to G. C. 




At a General Meeting of the Cork Union, held at the City Court 
House the 10th day of May 1780. 
HENRY HICKMAN. Captain Commandant, in the Chair. 
The following Address was unanimously voted 
To Hc>;ry G rat tan, Esq. 


We, the Cork Union, one of the armed societies of this 
city, beg leave in this public manner to return you our most 
warm and sincere Thanks, for your manly, steady, and upright 
support of the rights and liberties of this Kingdom on all occa- 
sions, particularly on the 19th day of April last, by moving a reso- 
lution M That the King, Lords, and Commons of Ireland are the 
** only Power competent to make Laws to bind this Kingdom." 

Gratitude also to those worthy members who supported you on 
that important question, induces us to request you will convey to 
them the assurance of the high opinion we entertain of such truly 
upright and patriotic conduct. 

Resolved, that the said Address be presented to H en ry'G rattan*, 
Esq. by such members of the Union as are now in Dublin, and 
that they publish the same together with his answer in the Dublin 
Evening Post. 

Signed bv Order, 

JAMES GREGG, Secretary. 


At a very numerous Meeting of the Gentlemen, Clergy, Freemen, 
and Freeholders of the City of Dublin, on Thursday the 11th 
day of Mav, 17S0, held pursuant to public notice. 

The High Sheriffs in the Chair. 
Resolved unanimously, That our sincere Thanks be presented 
in the most respectful manner to Henry Grattan, Esq. for his 
well directed motion in Parliament, on the 19th day of April last, 
M That the King's Most Excellent Majesty and the Lords and 
" Commons of Ireland are the only Power competent to enact Laws 
*' to bind this Kingdom," and to the ninety-eight gentlemen who 
supported that great constitutional assertion. 

JOHN EXSHAW. } Shenfit - 

At a full Meeting of the Corps on Thursday, May 11th, 1760. 

MICHAEL WOODS, Esq. in the Chair. 
Resolved unanimously, That the sincereThanks of this Corps be 
presented to Henry Grattan, Esq. for his strenuous and manly 
endeavours, on the 19th of April last, to obtain a declaration of 
Rights, M That the King, Lords, and Commons of Ireland are the 
" only Power competent to make Laws to bind this Kingdom." 
i. 4 




Mr. Grattan s Answer. 


I return you my most sincere thanks for the honour you 
have conferred upon me, and the service you have done the cause 
of liberty by an explicit declaration of your sentiments in favour 
of the rights of your Country. Sentiments so just becoming ge- 
neral will give our constitution a strength and our Country a re- 
putation, which will distinguish for ever the present times, and I 
hope perpetuate the name and liberties of Ireland. 

I have the Honour to be, 
Your most obliged and humble Servant, 


Dorset Street, } 
May 13th, 1780. £ 


To Henry Grattan, Esq. 


The chastity of your conduct, whenever the dignity of the 
constitution has been agitated in Parliament, and particularly your 
late vigorous exertions and zealous endeavours to extirpate foreign 
and unrepresented tyranny from this our native land, call upon us 
to join in that universal burst of applause so merited by you. The 
firmness of the people cannot fail stemming the torrent of influ- 
ence that has so fatally and so powerfully operated on some of 
their confidential servants. The King, Lords, and Commons of 
Ireland are the only power we are determined ever to obey, and 
for promoting those constitutional principles, be pleased to receive 
our most grateful and sincere thanks. 

Signed by Order of the Clanricarde Cavalry, 
PETER D'ARCY,Captain of the Clanricarde Cavalry. 

Knockbarron, ~) 
May 15th, 1780./ 

At a General Meeting of the Independent Volunteer Companies of 
the City of Waterford, Nos 1, % 3, 4, and 5, convened at the Ex- 
change on Friday, 12th May, 1780. 

Mr. HENRY TANDY in the Chair. 
It was unanimously resolved, That addresses should be presented 
to the Representatives of this City in Parliament and to Henry 
Grattan, Esq., and the following being read was agreed to. 

To Henry Grattan, Esq. 


We the Independent Volunteer Companies of the City of 
Waterford, Nos. 1, 2, 3, 4, & 5, deeply impressed with a grateful 
sense of the obligation every Irishman lies under to you for the 
noble and spirited exertion of your abilities in Parliament, in as- 
serting with the most manly and unanswerable eloquence, the na- 
tural and unalienable rights of your native Country, and fully con- 




vinced that equal Liberty is the cement which would most firmly 
unite us with our sister Kingdom, think it necessary publicly to de- 
clare our entire approbation of, and we request you will accept our 
unfeigned thanks for your motion on Wednesday the 19th inst. in 
the House of Commons, u That the King, Lords, and Commons of 
Ireland only, are competent to make laws for the government of 
this Kingdom." 

Signed by Order, 


Mr* Grattans Answer. 


Your public declaration in favour of my motion, and the 
verv honourable mention of my endeavours to establish it, can be 
only answered by assuring you how much I feel the cause served, 
and myself overrated by your spirited and generous address. To 
propagate the principles you declare, and to meet the approbation 
of such respectable men as you are, is to do the public a service, 
and to receive a most honourable reward. 

I am with much respect, and thanks, 
Your most humble and obedient Servant, 


At a General Quarterly Meeting of the Galway Volunteers, held 
at the Tholsel in Galway, on Friday the 12th day of May, 1780, 
the following Resolution was unanimously agreed to. 

PATRICK BLAKE, of Drum, Esq. in the Chair. 

Resolved, That the Thanks of this Corps be presented to Henry 
Grattan, Esq, as a publick testimony of the obligations we owe 
to his distinguished patriotism, in ably asserting " That the King, 
" Lords, and Commons of Ireland, are alone competent to make 
" laws to bind this Kingdom ;" we acknowledge no other jurisdic- 
tion, and will cheerfully co-operate in every measure, to frustrate 
the idea of a foreign legislation. 

Signed by Order, 
" JOHN BERGAN, Secretary. 
Resolved, That Colonel Richard Martin be requested to present 
the above resolution, and that the same be inserted in the Dublin 
and Galway Evening Posts and Connaught Journal. 


At a general Meeting of the Culloden Society of Cork, holden 
the 15th May, 1780, it was unanimously agreed that the follow- 
ing Address be presented to Henry Grattan, Esq., and that 
the Colonel be requested to sign for the whole Corps. 

Wb, the Culloden Society of Cork, long sensible of the emi- 
nent services you have rendered to this country, should think 



ourselves culpable, were we not to join in the general peal of 
applause, and unite in the public voice of gratitude, which your 
transcendent abilities and immutable patriotism have excited and 
called forth amongst all ranks of men. 

It is difficult for us to decide, what part of your political con- 
duct claims a superiority of praise ; when we take a retrospective 
view, as inhabitants of a trading City, we must indulge ourselves 
with a grateful remembrance of your vast exertions to free us 
from the late Embargo, an Infraction of Justice, an Act of In- 
jury, which length of time, uninterrupted commerce, and consti- 
tutional freedom, can alone impair. 

On a more recent juncture, when this Kingdom, exhausted by 
various restraints, (an accumulation of ages !) called aloud for 
redress, you, Sir, were the foremost to promote an address to the 
throne, truly and faithfully describing the wretched state of this 
country, dutifully, yet firmly demanding a restitution of commer- 
cial rights ; the uniformity of your subsequent conduct on the 
24th and 25th of November, we recollect with the most perfect 
satisfaction : the fortunate effects of such great efforts have clearly 
evinced the rectitude of your intentions. 

But what applause can be adequate ! what thanks can be suffi- 
cient, for that powerful and persuasive eloquence, that liberal and 
extensive knowledge, that firm and unabating zeal, which you 
eminently displayed on the 19th April to obtain a DECLARA- 
TION OF RIGHTS for this Realm, and though you failed in the 
completion of your wishes, yet the sentiments you inspired, and 
the declarations you forced from many zealous advocates of Bri- 
tish Usurpation, we trust, will deter every description of men, 
from attempting to exercise any power over this Kingdom, but 
such as shall have received the sanction of our own legislature, 
the King, Lords, and Commons of Ireland. But should political 
fanatics ever dare so great an outrage on our liberties, perish that 
Irishman, who will not risk his life in repelling such a violation of 
his Rights. 

Signed at the request of the Culloden Society. 


To Henry Grattan, Esq. 
Member of Parliament for the Borough of Charlemount. 

Mr. Grattan s Answer. 


Your Address, conceived in expressions of such warm 
approbation, and delivered to me by a noble person, whose public 
fire, steady patriotism, effectual support, and illustrious name, con- 
fer new honour, lay me under obligations I want words to express. 

I saw with concern, that ruinous act of power and impartiality, 
the embargo, wasting this country for a series of years. I hope its 
experienced mischief will prevent its repetition, and that a free and 
uninterrupted trade will repair the pernicious effects of that law- 
less measure. 

I perceived we had arrived to that crisis of distress, when it 
became necessary for Ireland to speak to the Throne, and to con- 




vey her own sentiments on two great national subjects, Trade and 
Liberty; and though the latter sentiment had not the good 
fortune to be clothed in the form of a resolution, yet it was so 
expressed; as to be very intelligible. 

No British Minister will now, I should hope, be mad enough to 
attempt, nor servant of government desperate enough to execute, 
nor Irish subject mean enough not to resist by every means in his 
power, a British Act of Parliament. 

Thus is our connexion founded upon principle, which before 
was founded on power, and a security not only given to the liberty 
of Ireland, but a refuge and appeal afforded to the constitution of 
our great sister, if her rights should be ever invaded. 

I have done but my duty, in discharge of which I have been 
most honourably supported and nobly rewarded. 

Your concurrence in the principle, your zeal in the cause, and 
the generous effusions of your approbation, are so many links of 
new attachment to the public service, and further obligations upon 
me to support and advance it. 

I have the Honour to be, with the greatest respect, 
Your most obedient and humble Servant, 


Dorset Street. 

At a full Meeting of the Newcastle and Donore Union, held May 
16th, 1780. 

Captain YERSCHOYLE in the Chair. 

The following Resolutions were unanimously agreed to. 

Resolved, That we are of opinion that the real interest and 
prosperity of Great Britain and Ireland must for ever consist in 
their being united under the same King by the intimate ties of 
connexion and friendship with each other. 

That we are of opinion that this connexion, in order to be sincere, 
perfect, and such as shall for ever bring the united strength of 
these kingdoms into action for every national purpose, shall be 
found in an equal participation of a free constitution and free com- 
merce. Blessings, of which we are persuaded that no nation has a 
right to deprive another, and which no generation of men have 
power to give away from their posterity. That we do pledge our- 
selves, each man for himself and one to another, by every tie which 
can bind the citizen and soldier, to unite against the common 
enemy of our king and country, and in support of the constitu- 
tional rights of this kingdom and of the ancient independence of 
the Legislature of Ireland. 

On these principles we are of opinion that the grateful Thanks 
of every true friend to his king and country are justly due to the 
Right Honourable Lords Carysfort, Arran, Charlemont, 
Moira, Eyre, and Mountnorris, for their wise, free, and 




upright conduct on the 2d of March last, and their patriotic vindi- 
cation of the people of Ireland from an unmerited reproach. 

That the grateful Thanks of every true friend to his king and 
country are justly due to Henry Grattan, Esq. for his distin- 
guished exertion of patriotism and abilities, and to those wise, 
free, and upright senators who supported his motion on the 19th 
day of April last. 

Mr. Grattan s Answer. 


I return you many thanks for the honour you have done 
me, I am much flattered by such favours from my fellow subjects. 

And am, with much respect, 
Your most obedient and humble Servant, 


At a Meeting of the Clanwilliam Union Light Dragoons at 
Parade, on Tuesday the 16th of May, 1780. 

Resolved unanimously, That the sincere Thanks of this Corps 
be presented in the most respectful manner, to Henry Grattan, 
Esquire, for his constitutional motion in the House of Commons 
in Ireland, on the 19th day of April last : " That the King's Most 
" Excellent Majesty, and the Lords and Commons of Ireland, are 
" the only Power competent to enact Laws to bind this Kingdom ;" 
and for his constant and spirited exertions in Parliament, for the 
constitutional and commercial welfare of this Kingdom. 

Resolved, That the above Address be presented by our Colonel, 
the Right Honourable the Earl of Clanwilliam, 

Signed by Order, 



At a Meeting of the Royal Oak Volunteers, held on Friday the 
19th of May, 1780. Captain JAMES KEARNEY being 
called to the Chair, it was unanimously resolved to present the 
following Address to Henry Grattan, Esq. 


Your patriotic virtue, your very noble and manly con- 
duct in Parliament, shown on Wednesday the 19th of April, impel 
us as free Citizens and as independent Volunteers, thus publicly 
to request your acceptance of our sincerest and most grateful ac- 
knowledgements. We should hold ourselves highly culpable did 
we not express, in this manner, our very high esteem for a man 
whose behaviour has been so truly meritorious, whose great abilities 




and public spirit have been so eminently exerted for our Country's 

Resolved unanimously, That our very grateful and unfeigned 
thanks be presented thus publicly to Barry Yelverton, Esq. for 
his truly great, patriotic, and disinterested conduct in Parliament. 

Resolved unanimously, That our entire approbation and warm- 
est acknowledgements be in this full and public manner, declared to 
our worthy Representatives Cornelius Bolton and Robert Shapland 
Carew, Esqs. We early took an opportunity of paying a just tribute 
to their fidelity and good conduct, and feel ourselves particularly 
happy at this time, to reiterate our thanks for the praiseworthy, 
uniform, and upright support they gave to the great and important 
questions, lately agitated in Parliament, for the Kingdom's benefit 
and the security of our rights, liberties, and trade. 

Ordered, that Copies of these Addresses be signed by the 
Chairman, and transmitted to the several Gentlemen. 

Resolved, That these Addresses be published in the Water- 
ford Papers : The Hibernian Journal, and the Dublin Evening Post. 

Ordered, that the Thanks of this Meeting be given to our 
Chairman, for his unremitted attention to the welfare and military 
discipline of our Corps. 

Signed by Order, 



At a General Meeting of the Belfast United Volunteer Companies, 
at Belfast, the 22d of May, 1780. 

WADDELL CUNNINGHAM, Esq. in die Chair. 

Resolved unanimously, That we think it incumbent on us at 
this time, to express the gratitude we feel, for the steady, spirited, 
and able parliamentary conduct of Henry Grattan, Esq. and 
particularly for his patriotic exertions on the 19th of April, to 
procure a declaration of our rights ; which, though in some mea- 
sure defeated on, what we think, frivolous considerations, called 
forth an avowal from the Members of the House, individually, that 
the King, Lords, and Commons of Ireland, are exclusively com- 
petent to every act of Irish Legislation and Government, and by 
this we are determined to abide. 

Mr. Grattan s Answer. 


You have done me much honour by your approbation : 
I rejoice to find the people of Ireland adopt so generally, true 
constitutional principles. 

Your right, as Citizens, to think and speak upon political Li- 
berty, is not lost but secured and rendered effectual, by your be- 




coming the voluntary soldiers of the nation : with pleasure I see 
your opinions and their propagations. 

I have the honour to be, with much respect, 

Your most obedient humble Servant, 


Dorset Street, ~| 
May 26th, 1780. J 

At a General Meeting of the United Companies of Lambeg, Lis- 
burne, True Blue, Dunmurray, and Drumbridge Volunteers, on 
Saturday, 20th of May, 1780, it was unanimously agreed upon, 
that the following Address be presented to Henry Grattan, 
Esq., and that Roger Ham. M'Neill, Esq. (General for the day,) 
do forward the same. 

To Henry Grattan, Esq. 


We have beheld with gratitude and admiration, your 
noble and spirited exertions in support of the Constitutional Rights 
of your Country, and we cannot help expressing our astonishment, 
that these exertions aided by truth, the voice of the nation, and the 
most persuasive eloquence, should yet have failed to produce the 
desired effect. 

It is, however, great consolation to observe, in the very respect- 
able minority, who voted for your motion on the 19th of April, the 
names of all those Senators who have been most remarkable for 
wisdom, virtue, and inflexible patriotism ; and this we consider as a 
present security for prolonging the inexpediency of enforcing a 
claim, founded upon injustice and the most flagrant violation of 
the rights of human nature, a claim which we abhor, and consistent 
with that duty we owe to ourselves, our Country, and posterity, 
we will ever oppose ; for we are indeed convinced " that the slave 
" makes the tyrant." 

We, Sir, are none of those " misguided men, who attempt to raise 
" groundless jealousies in the minds of His Majesty's subjects," * 
nor do we belong to that class, " who have neither character nor 
" property to lose, and want to involve their Country in calamity." 
We detest all such invidious insinuations ; for though there is no 
part of the Kingdom, where the military spirit is carried to a higher 
pitch, or perhaps in the world, where a genuine love of liberty, and 
a holy reverence for the rights of mankind prevail more than in 
the North of Ireland ; yet we know not a single individual, who 
comes under the above description. 

In forming our associations we have been actuated by purely 
disinterested motives, — to oppose the depredations of a foreign 
enemy, that daily threatened to invade and spread desolation over 
our defenceless Country, — to preserve internal peace, and good 
order in the state ; — but above all, to preserve our birth-rights as 

• The expression of one of the ministers, in the debate of that day. 




freemen, entitled to all the advantages of the English constitution 
ur violated ; and we defy the cankered tongue of malice itself, to 
mention one instance in which we have deviated from those reso- 

As we have always had the highest respect for your abilities, 
and that uniformity of virtue which has still marked your public 
conduct, yet the decided part you took upon the late trying 
occasion, where the dearest interests of your Country were at 
stake ; and the strenuous efforts you made to establish its freedom 
upon the firmest basis, has excited in our minds a degree of 
veneration for your person, integrity, and abilities, that we cannot 

We request, that you will consider this address, as the sponta- 
neous effusion of grateful minds, and as a mark of our most perfect 
esteem and approbation. 

May you long live to enjoy the sublime feeling, inseparable 
from the consciousness of having merited and received the ap- 
plause of a Nation. 

Afr. G rattan s Ansiver. 


Though my motion was not carried, yet the principle was 
established ; had the declaration of right passed, the sentiment of 
liberty had been more effectually promulgated, but could not have 
been more radically felt and generally adopted. 

I admire that holy reverence for trie rights of mankind, which 
prevails in the North of Ireland, and her genuine love of liberty. 
Liberty is a native of the North, transplanted into the South, and 
now flourishing in every part of the Kingdom. 

The sentiments you express, inspiring your associations, and 
actuating your arms to the execution of the law, the defence of 
the realm, and the protection of her rights and privileges, form a 
species of exalted allegiance. Your conduct has been conformable 
to the justice of these sentiments, and both may set at defiance 
every species of traduction. 

Your present declarations I conceive as a record of the spirit of 
the present age, calculated to warm a future generation, and to 
manifest those means by which a nation may redeem and retain 
her liberty. 

I have the honour to be, 

With great respect and obligation, 

Your most humble Servant, 


Dorset Street, ) 
May 23, 1780. £ 




At a Meeting of the Third Company of Newry Volunteers, the 
26th day of May, 1780. 

Captain DAVID BELL in the Chair. 

The following Address was unanimously voted to Henry G rattan 
and Barry Yelverton, Esquires. 


Impressed with the liveliest sense of gratitude to such of 
our Countrymen as have nobly stepped forth in defence of the 
natural and indubitable rights of this Kingdom, we behold with 
the greatest pleasure, your manly, spirited, and patriotic conduct 
through the whole of this most interesting Session of Parliament. 
But, particularly, your motions on the 19th and 26th of April last, 
the one declaratory of our rights, " That the King, Lords, and 
" Commons of Ireland are the only Power competent to make Laws 
" to bind this Kingdom." The other intended to restore the ancient 
constitution of our Parliament ; and we lament that eminent abili- 
ties, conclusive arguments, reason and eloquence, have been only 
confuted by the hackneyed doctrine of expediency, and the book 
of numbers. 

As Citizens and Soldiers, we hold ourselves bound by every tie 
of gratitude to you and the illustrious band of Patriots who sup- 
ported your motions on those days, and though you were not 
crowned with success, we have, notwithstanding, the firmest hopes 
and reliance, that the perseverance of the friends of liberty and 
the constitution will in the end prevail, and venality and corrup- 
tion be banished from this enlightened land. 

We should be wanting in that regard which we owe to ourselves, 
to our Country, and to posterity, if we omitted to pay this tribute 
of applause to the men who have unceasingly exerted such great 
and distinguished abilities to restore their Country to its inherent 
rights and privileges, to secure the liberties of their fellow subjects, 
and to establish a just, wise, honourable, and firm basis of union 
between this Country and her sister Kingdom ; and we doubt not 
that you, Gentlemen, will persevere in this glorious cause and con- 
tinue to be, what you now are — an Ornament to your Country, 
and the delight and admiration of a loyal, virtuous, and brave 

Signed by Order, 


Resolved, That the above Address be presented to Henry 
Grattan and Barry Yelverton, Esquires, by Joseph Pollock, 
Esq., and that the same be printed in the Dublin Evening Post and 
Newry Chronicle. 


Appendix.] repeal of poyntng's law. 


At a Meeting of the Down Volunteers, the 27th day of May, 

Captain HENRY WEST in the chair. 
It was resolved unanimously, That the following Address be pre- 
sented to Henry Grattan and Barry Yelverton, Esquires, 
and that the same be published in the Dublin Evening Post and 
Belfast News Letter. 

Permit us to do justice to our feelings by joining in the 
general applause of our virtuous fellow Citizens and Soldiers daily 
pouring out to your truly great and patriotic conduct in Parlia- 

Experience convinces us that civil Liberty is the only stable 
foundation on which commercial privileges can stand secure. 
Sources of wealth held out to us, have either been frustrated or at 
least rendered precarious, by the same servile submission to Go- 
vernment which has hitherto influenced such numbers to prevari- 
cate with the rights and immunities of their country : in support 
of these rights, and to repel the depredations of a foreign enemy, 
we took up arms, " Not to raise groundless jealousies in the 7?iinds 
of His Majesty s subjects."* For having both character and pro- 
perty to lose, the description suits not us. 

Thankful to the whole band of patriots, who have continued firm 
in support of the public welfare, in this most interesting Session, 
once so full of hopes to Irishmen; we cannot but distinguish these 
who took the lead in asserting the constitutional rights, and Par- 
liamentary independence of this depressed kingdom, and defended 
them with such ability. 

Your conduct in these memorable days the 19th-|- and 26th J of 
April last, has made impressions of esteem and gratitude on our 
hearts, which will never be obliterated; and we entreat you to ac- 
cept this public acknowledgment of them, as a small part of that 
tribute to which you are entitled from all the inhabitants of 
Ireland, in common with 

Your most respectful and faithful humble Servant, 

H. WEST, Chairman. 


To Henry Grattan, Esq. M. P. 
SlR, May 1780. 

The loyal Limerick Volunteers extremely solicitous to give 
the most decided proof, and to declare in the most public manner the 
high sense they entertain of the many and great obligations, which, 
in common with the people of this kingdom, they are under to a 
man whose uncommon exertions in the cause of liberty and his 

* The expression of one of the Ministers in the House of Commons. 
| The motion on the Declaration of Right. 
\ The motion on the repeal of Poynings Law. 





country, during the greater part of an important Session, would 
have done honour to the finest ages of Greece or Rome; entreat 
leave more particularly at this time to return you our most grate- 
ful acknowledgments for that manly struggle and those noble 
exertions, which, in concurrence with the ablest characters in this 
Kingdom, you made on Wednesday, the 19th of April last, in 
defence of the dearest and unquestionably inherent rights of 
Irishmen, rights which, when fully established and secured, must 
and will be the surest means of uniting for ever the British Empire. 
Permit us, moreover, to assure you, that how inadequate soever 
the conclusion of that day was to our expectations or your dis- 
tinguished efforts, we are determined invariably to adhere to and 
support those rights as asserted in the resolutions you proposed. 
We likewise embrace, with infinite satisfaction, the advice that 
your answer to the lawyers' corps holds out to us, asserting this 
our declaration of rights similar to, and under the sanction of, that 
truly respectable, and in every sense constitutional association. 
Signed by Order, 



To Henry Grattan, Esq. 

The corporation of the city of Derry having directed me as their 
recorder, to present to you a certificate of the freedom of that 
corporation unanimously voted on Friday the 1st of June; I now 
wait on you, Sir, to execute this part of my office. 

The sense entertained by that independent and free city of your 
manly, liberal, upright, and powerfully able conduct in Parliament, 
has, without other solicitation, demanded this distinction in your 

The city of Derry thinks herself particularly called upon on 
every occasion to add her suffrage to the voice of the sons of free- 
dom, and to contribute every encouragement which her approba- 
tion can give to those, who, by their public and private conduct, 
shall prove themselves virtuous citizens and genuine friends of this 

As such she looks on you, with particular respect, and has ad- 
mitted you to a participation of her rights and privileges as the 
strongest mark she can bestow of her attachment and confidence. 

To me, Sir, it is peculiarly acceptable to have this opportunity 
of showing my sense of a character, for which I have long enter- 
tained the warmest sentiments of private affection and public 
respect. Happy in finding the opinion of that distinguished city 
perfectly consonant to my own on this as on every former oc- 

I have the honour to be, Sir, 

With perfect esteem, 

Your most obedient Servant, 
Chatham Street, ) ROBERT BOYD. 

OthJune, 178Q. y 




At a General Meeting of the Troop of Newry Rangers, and the 
First Company of Newry Volunteers. 
Captain BENSON in the chair. 

June 30th, 1780. 

Resolved unanimously, That the following Address be pre- 
sented to Henry Grattan, Esq. on Monday next, the 3d of 
July, as he passes through this Town to the Belfast Review, by 
our Chairman. 

To Henry G rattan, Esq. 


We should not so long have denied ourselves the honour of 
thus expressing the share we take in the gratitude of a nation, 
had we not waited for this opportunity of paying, at the same mo- 
ment, our personal respects to you and your noble friend the 
Earl of Charlemont. 

We thought that our tribute of gratitude to public virtue, could 
not be less pleasing for being at the same time a tribute to the 
dignity of private friendship. The friendship of such men is not 
more honourable to themselves, than it is useful to their country. 

Though we regret, Sir, that your exertions in the public cause, 
have not always had that success which their spirit deserved, and 
their ability might have been expected to command, yet we cannot 
but applaud your foresight, which, upon one great occasion, saw 
victory even in defeat. 

Though the majority of the House of Commons chose rather to 
honour themselves as individuals, than as representatives of the 
people, yet their declarations as individuals, gave strength to that 
principle in which the people are now unanimous. 

Bv this unanimity, to which you, Sir, have so highly contributed, 
we see at once our country emancipated, and the principles which 
we hav£ formerly declared, relieved from imputation. That 
could not be Sedition whose spirit we conceive, has been sanctfied 
by Mr. Grattan, and a Parliamentary Declaration of which, has 
been demanded by the Nation. 

That could not be sedition, which but led to a Declaration of 
the Laiv of this Kingdom, which we now see revived, and which, 
as part of a great national body, we now run little risk in resolving 
to support, — That " the King, Lords, and Commons of Ireland, 
are the only Power competent to make Laws to bind this Kingdom. 
Signed by Order, 

Captain of the Newry Rangers, Chairman. 


At a Meeting of the Freemen and Freeholders of the County of 
the City of Waterford, on Friday the 7th of July instant, pur- 
suant to Advertisement, the following Resolutions were un- 
animously agreed to. 

m 2 


Resolved, That the Thanks of this meeting be presented to out 
worthy representatives Cornelius Bolton and Robert & Carew, 
Esqs. for their manly, firm and patriotic conduct in supporting the 
Constitutional Rights and Parliamentary Independence of this 
Kingdom. And that they are hereby requested to give their best 
assistance, through every stage, in favor of the Bill, now depending 
for the relief of the Tenantry of this Kingdom. 

Resolved, That the Thanks of this Meeting, be given to Henry 
Grattan, Esq. and the gentlemen who supported the heads of the 
above mentioned Bill, on the 12th of last June; and they are here- 
by earnestly requested to continue their support on the return of 
said Bill from England, which will ever be held in grateful re- 

Resolved^ That the Thanks of this Meeting, be given to John 
Usher and Samuel King, Esqs. our worthy Sheriffs, for their 
ready concurrence in convening the Electors at all times when ap- 
plied to, and that they be requested to transmit the above Reso- 
lutions, to the respectable Persons to whom they are addressed. 

Resolved, That the above Resolutions be printed in the Water- 
ford Paper and Dublin Evening Post. 

JOHN USHER, ) cl . i 

SAMUEL KING, \ Shenffs > mthe chair * 
Waterford, 8th July, 1 780. 


We beg leave to convey to you the unanimous Resolutions of 
a very respectable Meeting of the Electors of the City of Waterford, 
by convening of whom, we are happy to be instrumental in be- 
stowing on you that mark of their approbation, which your manly, 
firm, and patriotic conduct has on all occasions so justly merited. 
We are, Sir, 
Your most obedient humble Servants, 

JOHN USHER. 1 . ff 
SAMUEL KING,J &neims> 

Waterford, 8th July. 1780. 

To Henry Grattan, Esq, 

4th July, 1780. 

When so many virtuous citizens are disclaiming the usurped au- 
thority of an external legislature, and avowing boldly and honour- 
ably, their ideas of our constitutional rights, we should feel our- 
selves truants indeed to the cause of freedom, and remiss in that 
duty we owe the community and ourselves, were we not to join in 
ppenly declaring our firm purpose, never to acknowledge or ac- 
quiesce in the right of any power to bind this Realm, save only the 
King, Lords, and Commons of Ireland, and holding this a position 
of the most sacred nature, we conceive it must be maintained in- 
violate, to give any permanency to commercial advantages, ceded 



under the frail and fallacious tenure of expediency. Your virtuous 
and powerful effort, to get this important truth recorded on the 
Journals of Parliament, has gained our highest admiration ; and 
though unsuccessful in this point, we cannot deem vour voice to 
have been raised in vain, for the wisdom of your words has been 
re-echoed through the Land, and wonderfully contributed to 
awaken in the breasts of Irishmen, a just sense of their undoubted 
claim to independence. In this particular and all the rest of your 
parliamentary conduct, you have greatly served your country, and 
if any thing can add to the refined satisfaction this reflection affords 
you, it must be the universal and generous applause of the wise 
and good pouring out their acknowledgements of gratitude in the 
warmest language of the heart. 

Happy are we to have this opportunity of offering our small tri- 
bute of praise, to a character so distinguished for approved worth 
and eminent abilities. 

ROBERT STEWART, Captain Commandant. 

Resolved, That the foregoing address be signed by our Captain 
Commandant, and presented to Henry Grattas, Esq. as the un- 
animous address of the Newtown and Comber Battalion. 

Tarade, July 11th, 1780. 

At a full Meeting of the Corps of Independent Dublin Volunteers : 
THOMAS ASHWORTH, Esq. Captain Commandant, in the 

. The following Address was unanimously agreed to : 
To Henri/ Oral tan, Esq. 


At a period when public virtue is without sense of shame, 
sacrificed to private advantage and emolument, it behoves every 
friend of his country to point out the men whose principles are in- 
corruptible, and whose judgment may be relied on in the hour of 
danger. Amongst the number of such real ornaments to Society, 
we consider vou, and in token of our approbation have unani- 
mously elected you as honourary member of the Independent 
Dublin Volunteers. 

We have every reason to hope that you will not refuse us the 
honour of enrolling vour name amongst us, we trust our virtue, like 
yours, is untainted by the prevalent hypocrisy of patriotism, and 
vou mav rely on our joint efforts to give every support to your 
endeavours for the public good. 

Signed bv Order, 

KILNER BAKER. Secretary. 

Mr. Grattayi's Ansiver. 


This fresh instance of honour which I have received from 
vour corps, adds to the obligations I already acknowledged. I ac- 
cept the favour with much gratitude. To be this kingdom* sincere 
m 3 



[ Appendix. 

and uniform friend> is my great ambition, I am aware how much 
her situation is improved, but with you, must acknowledge that the 
conclusion of this Session has not been worthy of its commence- 
ment. I see with concern an unnatural and idle contest instituted 
between Parliament and its best friends, a contest, the fruit of two 
unfortunate measures that marked the close of the Session, and 
having opposed both these measures which seem to have sunk in 
the public estimation, the dignity of Parliament, it shall be my 
care to raise Tier credit by proposing the next Session to limit the 
duration of the mutiny bill, and to secure to the House of Com- 
mons her best and dearest privileges, the confidence of the na- 
tion ; and also put an end to a disgusting conflict where administra- 
tion first incenses the people by forcing upon them an unconstitu- 
tional law, and hopes to punish them afterwards, by impotent 
prosecutions. You are pleased in your letter to me to offer your 
assistance. I am thankful to you for it. There is no mischief that 
may not be removed by the constitutional interposition of the free 
and Independent Electors of this Kingdom. 

I am, Gentlemen, 
Your much obliged and humble Servant, 


August, 30th, 1780. 

At a full Meeting of the Ballymascanlon Rangers, on Sunday the 
3d of September, 1780. 
ROBERT M'NEALE, Esq. Captain, in the chair. 
Resolved unanimously, That the following address be presented 
to the Right Hon. Walter Hussey Burgh, Barry Yelverton, 
and Henry Grattan, Esqrs. 


Having long considered ourselves individually indebted to 
your patriot spirit and powerful abilities in Parliament, and being 
now formed into a Volunteer Corps for the great purpose of assist- 
ing to preserve the Kingdom and constitution of Ireland, we think 
it one of our first acts of duty to follow the example of those 
worthy men who have rendered themselves more respectable by 
their public approbation of you. 

Permit us, therefore, Gentlemen, to offer you our warm and 
grateful acknowledgments, and to assure you we feel convinced 
that while we have virtue to applaud your services we shall never 
be defective in our own. 

Resolved unanimously, That our worthy Brother Richard She- 
ridan, Esq. for whose private and public character we entertain 
the highest esteem be requested to present the foregoing address. 

Signed by Order, 
TARQUIN P. M'NEALE, Secretary. 

Mr. Grattan s Ansiver. 


I am very thankful to you for your obliging address. I am 

ApjyauUx.~\ perpetual mutiny bill. 


glad to see the increase of the Volunteer associations and that a 
corps of your principles is added to the number. 

I am, Gentlemen, 
With much sincerity, 

Your humble Servant, 


Celbridge, Oct. 1st, 178a 


4th September, 1781. 

At a Meeting of the corps of Independent Dublin Volunteers. 

SAMUEL CANIER, Esq. Major, in the chair. 
Resolved unanimously, that the following Address be presented 
to Henry Grattan, Esq. 


Taking again into our consideration your many and able, 
(though hitherto unsuccessful) efforts to restore to your native 
country, those rights and privileges which heaven ordained her to 
enjoy, and eager to participate in the glorious cause, we have once 
more unanimously elected you Colonel of the Independent Dublin 
Volunteers, judging it the most effectual method of further con- 
vincing the world of our attachment to our country, by calling 
upon one of her ablest sons in the cause of freedom to command 
us, reserving to ourselves, at the same time the privilege of 
freemen, — the power of electing quarterly. 

The approaching sessions of Parliament promising great events, 
we have no doubt but you will exert your wonted abilities in de- 
manding a declaration of rights. The modification of Poynings 
Law, the repeal of the mutiny bill, and also the equalization of 
our sugar duties. Being determined, as Freemen, to give everv 
constitutional support to the promotion of the above laws, so we 
are resolved as soldiers to give every assistance against any foreign 
or domestic enemy who shall dare attempt to violate them. 

Signed bv Order, 

CHARLES PIGOT, Secretary. 

At a general Meeting of the Officers and Delegates of the Ulster 
Regiment, agreeable to notice given at Lisburn on Tuesday the 
27th of November, 1781. 

The Honorable Colonel ROWLEY in the chair. 
The following address was voted nem. con. and ordered to be 
published : 

To Henry Grattan, Esq. and the virtuous minority tvho supported 
kis tnotion in the House of Commons, the \Oth of November for the 
amendment of the Mutiny Bill. 

We, the Officers and privates of the Ulster regiment, think 
it our duty to declare in this public manner, our unanimous and warm 
m 4 




approbation of your constitutional and truly patriotic support of 
the motion for the amendment and limitation of the mutiny Bill. 
Accept then Gentlemen the grateful and voluntary thanks of a 
number of freeholders and electors enlisted in the service of their 
country, for your behaviour in the day of trial on this important 
occasion, at the same time they wish to express the high venera- 
tion they have for the abilities and spirit with which this attempt 
for liberty and independence was conducted and supported, and 
live m hopes that your virtuous efforts in the same cause, as they 
are always sure of the applause of your country, will on some 
future occasion be crowned with that success, which, in their opi- 
nion, every honest Irishman should most ardently wish for, and we 
do bind ourselves by the most solemn ties not to vote for, or in any 
manner support at the ensuing General Election, one or any of 
these who intentionally absented themselves or opposed you in 
your glorious, though unsuccessful efforts that night in the service 
of your constituents, and of the body of your countrymen. 

Signed by Order, 

Captain, Maghragale Volunteers. 

Lisburn, November 27th, 1784. 

At Meetings between the 4th and 13th instant of the Volunteer 
corps composing the first Newry Regiment, or Newry Legion : 

Resolved by each corps for itself unanimously, that the fol- 
lowing resolution be published, and that the address underneath be 
presented to the gentlemen particularly named, and published with 
their answers, the resolution and address being signed by the field 
Officers and Captains of the Regiment : 

To Henry Grattan, Esq, who, on the 10th of November last, moved 
Jbr an amendment or repeal of the perpetual mutiny law ; The Right 
honourable Henry Flood, who, on the 29th of the same month, 
moved for heads of a bill intended for the same purpose, and to 
the Gentlemen of the House of Commons who supported these 


Confirmed and strengthened in the opinions we have so 
often expressed, we cannot avoid returning you our warmest ac- 
knowledgments for your late strenuous though unsuccessful en- 
deavours to restore to this kingdom her rightful constitution. 

You have not misrepresented, you have done but justice to the 
sense of the people, we shall cherish this opinion, and we entreat 
you, Gentlemen, to persevere in acting upon it, until at least there 
is produced a body of men who will declare that they prefer a 
perpetual to a limited mutiny law, or a single member of the 
House of Commons, possessing character to lose, who will declare 
that had he his choice, he would do so. 

When the British constitution is altered, a reason we conceive 
should be given for the innovation, we have heard of none that 




has been here attempted save one, which if well founded, betrays 
the principles of the British minister, and whether well founded or 
not, is an insult to this nation. The minister it seems should be 
spared the mortification of acknowledging every Session the in- 
dependence of our legislature, if this acknowledgment be a sore 
place with the British minister, we conceive it is your duty, Gen- 
tlemen, as Irishmen and Irish senators, to touch it until it can bear 
the touch; nor can we admit the old prejudices of the minister, if 
such prejudices he has, to be entitled to tenderness, until the in- 
dependence of this kingdom be once for all and in direct terms, 
acknowledged by a declaratory act, or until the British statutes 
pretending to bind this kingdom, are repealed. 


SAMUEL BARBER, Captain of the Rathfriland Volun- 
teers and now Colonel of the Re- 

ANDREW THOMPSON, Captain of the Troop of Newry 
Rangers, and now a Major of the 

JOSEPH POLLOCK, Captain of the first Newry Volun- 

I GEORGE GORDON, Captain of the Donoughmore Vo- 

WILLIAM GORDON, Captain of the Sheep Bridge Vo- 

DAVID BELL, Captain of the Newry Fencibles. 
Mr. Grattan's Answer. 


I have ever contemplated with the utmost abhorrence, the 
perpetual mutiny bill. I met it at first with astonishment and indig- 
nation, and have encountered it in every stage with the most cor- 
dial detestation. 

I conceived it an affront to our nation, a stab to her liberty, and 
a mockery- of her public spirit. Confirmed in this opinion by the 
arguments advanced in support of the measure ; I shall persist to 
encounter its malignity with renovated determination, and in the 
sincere hope, that a law cannot remain unexplained and unamended 
which stands convicted by every principle of every free nation in 
the world. 

I enter most entirely into those virtuous, and I will add, mode- 
rate and humble, wishes, which go to the establishment of your 
parliamentary independence. I am so fully possessed of your 
ancient and invaluable title to British privileges, that / conceive 
any thing short of the British constitution is short of your rights, 
and an insolent distinction between two kingdoms whose subjects 
are equal by nature, equal by franchise, certain to be involved in 
the same calamities, and therefore entitled to be consoled by the 
same privileges ; in this creed and confidence I shall not cease to 
hope that the time is at hand when a total renunciation of supre- 
macy or assertion of parliamentary independency shall be obtained. 




The crisis, the interest of England, the moderated exertions of 
Ireland, and the connection of both, promise and demand it ; in my 
humble province I shall not be wanting, 
And am, 
With the most sincere respect, 

Your most obedient humble Servant, 


15th December, 1781. 


At a Meeting of the representatives of 143 corps of Volunteers, of 

the province of Ulster, held at Dungannon, on Friday the 15th 

of February, 1782. 

Colonel WILLIAM IRVINE in the chair. 

Whereas, it has been asserted that Volunteers, as such, cannot 
with propriety debate, or publish their opinions, on political sub- 
jects, or on the conduct of parliament or public men. 

Resolved, unanimously, That a citizen by learning the use of arms 
does not abandon any of his civil rights. 

Resolved, unanimously, That a claim of any body of men, other 
than the King, Lords and Commons of Ireland, to make laws to 
bind this kingdom, is unconstitutional, illegal, and a grievance. 

Resolved, (with one dissenting voice only,) That the powers ex- 
ercised by the Privy Councils of both kingdoms, under, or under 
colour, or pretence of, the law of Poyning's, are unconstitutional, 
and a grievance. 

Resolved, unanimous^, That the ports of this country are by 
right open to all foreign countries not at war with the King, and 
that any burden thereupon, or obstruction thereto, save only by 
the parliament of Ireland, are unconstitutional, illegal, and a 

Resolved, (ivith one dissenting voice only,) That a Mutiny Bill, 
not limited in point of duration, from session to session, is unconsti- 
tutional, and a grievance. 

Resolved, unanimously, That the independence of Judges is 
equally essential to the impartial administration of justice in Ireland 
as in England, and that the refusal or delay of this right to Ireland, 
makes a distinction where there should be no distinction, may 
excite jealousy where perfect union should prevail, and is in itself 
unconstitutional, and a grievance. 

Resolved, ('with eleven dissenting voices only,) That it is our de- 
cided and unalterable determination to seek a redress of these 
grievances, and we pledge ourselves to each other and to our 
country, as freeholders, fellow-citizens, and men of honour, that 
we will, at every ensuing election, support those only who have 
supported and will support us therein, and that we will use all 
constitutional means to make such our pursuit of redress speedy 
and effectual. 




Resolved, (with one dissenting voice only,) That the Right Hon. 
and Hon. the Minority in Parliament, who have supported these 
our constitutional rights, are entitled to our most grateful thanks, 
and that the annexed Address be signed by the Chairman, and 
published with these Resolutions. 

Resolved, unanimously, That four members from each county of 
the province of Ulster, eleven to be a quorum, be and are hereby 
appointed a committee, till the next general meeting, to act for 
the volunteer corps here represented, and, as occasion shall require, 
to call general meetings of the province, viz. 

The Lord Viscount Enniskillen, Major Charles Duffen, 

Colonel Mervyn Archdall, Captain Jon. Harvey, 

Colonel William Irvine, Captain Robert Campbell, 

Colonel Robert M'Clintock, Captain Joseph Pollock, 

Colonel John Ferguson, Captain Waddel Cunningham, 

Colonel John Montgomery! Captain Francis Evans, 

Colonel Charles Leslie, Captain John Cope, 

Colonel Francis Lucas, Captain James Dawson, 

Colonel Thomas Morris Jones, Captain James Acheson, 

Colonel James Hamilton, Captain Daniel Eccles, 

Colonel Andrew Thompson, Captain Thomas Dickson, 

Lieutenant Colonel C. Xesbitt, Captain David Bell, 

Lieutenant Colonel A. Stewart, Captain John Coulson, 

Major James Patterson, Captain Robert Black, 

Major Francis Dobbs, Rev. William Crawford, 

Major James M'Clintock, Mr. Robert Thompson. 

Resolved, unanimously, That said committee do appoint nine 
of their members to be a committee in Dublin, in order to commu- 
nicate with such other volunteer associations in the other pro- 
vinces as may think proper to come to similar resolutions, and to 
deliberate with them on the most constitutional means of carrying 
them into effect. 

In consequence of the above resolution, the committee have 
appointed the following gentlemen for said committee, three to be 
a quorum, viz. 

Colonel Mervyn Archdall, Captain Francis Evans, 

Colonel William Irvine, Captain James Dawson, 

Colonel John Montgomery, Captain Joseph Pollock, 
Colonel Thomas Morris Jones, Mr. Robert Thompson. 
Major Francis Dobbs, 

Resolved, unanimously, That the Committee be, and are hereby 
instructed to call a general meeting of the province within twelve 
months from this da)', or in fourteen days after the dissolution of 
the present Parliament, should such an event sooner take place. 

Resolved, unanimously, That the Court of Portugal have acted 
towards this kingdom, being a part of the British empire, in such 
a manner, as to call upon us to declare and pledge ourselves to each 
other, that we will not consume any Wine of the growth of Portugal, 
and that we will, to the extent of our influence, prevent the use of 
said Wine, save and except the Wine at present in this kingdom, 




until such time as our exports shall be received in the kingdom of 
Portugal, as the manufactures of part of the British Empire. 

Resolved, (with two dissenting voices only, to this and the fol- 
lowing resolution,) That we hold the right of private judgment, in 
matters of religion, to be equally sacred in others as ourselves. 

Ilesolved, therefore, That, as men and as Irishmen, as Christians 
and as Protestants, we rejoice in the relaxation of the penal latv 
against our Roman Catholic fellow-subjects, and that we conceive 
the measure to be fraught with the happiest consequences to the 
union and prosperity of the inhabitants of Ireland. 

Resolved, unanimously, That the Dundalk Independent Troop 
of Light Dragoons, commanded hy Captain Thomas Read, having 
joined a regiment of this province, the 1st Newry regiment or 
Newry Legion, and petitioning to be received as part of this body, 
and under its protection, is accordingly hereby received. 

Whereas a letter has been received by the Chairman of this 
meeting from the united corps of the county of Cavan, Colonel 
Enery in the Chair, declaring their readiness to co-operate with 
their brother volunteers, in every constitutional support of their 

Resolved, unanimously, That the thanks of this meeting be pre- 
sented to the said united corps of said county of Cavan, for 
their spirited resolution, and that a copy of the proceedings of this 
meeting be inclosed by the chairman to Colonel Enery, to be by 
him communicated to the said united corps, and that they shall 
have a right, if they choose, to be associated with the corps repre- 
sented at this meeting, to nominate four members to act with 
those already appointed as a committee by the delegates at this 

Resolved, unanimously, That the thanks of this meeting be pre- 
sented to Captain Richardson and the Dungannon Light Company, 
for their politeness in mounting guard this day. 

Resolved, unanimously, That the thanks of this meeting be pre- 
sented to the Southern Battalion of the 1st Ulster Regiment, com- 
manded by the Earl of Charlemont, for that patriotic zeal, which, 
we are convinced, induced them to call this meeting. 

Resolved, unanimously, That the thanks of this meeting be pre- 
sented to Colonel William Irvine, for his particular propriety and 
politeness of conduct in the chair. 

Resolved, unanimously, That the thanks of this meeting be pre- 
sented to Captain James Dawson, for his readiness in undertaking 
the office of Secretary to this meeting, and for his particular atten- 
tion and ability in the laborious duty thereof. 

To the Right Hon. and Hon. the Minority in both Houses of 

My Lords and Gentlemen, 

We thank you for your noble and spirited, though hitherto in- 
effectual efforts, in defence of the great constitutional and com- 
mercial rights of your country. Go on. The almost unanimous 
vorce of the people is with you ; and in a free country the voice of 

Appendix. 1 



the people must prevail. We know our duty to our sovereign, and 
are loyal. We know our duty to ourselves, and are resolved to be 
free. We seek for our rights, and no more than our rights ; and, 
in so just a pursuit, we should doubt the being of a Providence if 
we doubted of success. 

Signed by Order, 


In Committee. 

Resolved unanimously, That the corps of this province, not 
represented at the meeting held this day, be, and they are hereby 
invited to join in the resolutions of said meeting, and to become 
members of the said association on the most equal footing. 

Resolved, That such corps as may choose to join the said asso- 
ciation, be, and they are hereby requested to communicate their 
intentions to our secretary, Captain Dawson, Union Lodge, Lough- 
brickland, who will lay the same before the chairman and com- 
mittee. Signed by Order, 


At a full Meeting of the Eyrecourt Buffs, held the 21st April, 

Colonel WALTER LAWRENCE in the chair. 
The following Address was unanimously agreed on and ordered 
to be presented by Peter Lawrence, Esq. Captain of a Company 
in said Corps to that distinguished citizen Henry Grattan, Esq. 


History, both sacred and profane, informs us that there 
have been men born to perplex and scourge the human race ; but 
we likewise know that all bounteous heaven, has often in pity to 
our sufferings, blessed us with assertors of our rights, blessed us 
with those who fraught with heaven-born virtue, and endowed with 
extraordinary talents, have boldly stepped forward in behalf of 
the people of this kingdom, and unmasked that fatal species of 
tyranny, which, assuming the awful veil of law, has for a century 
past, not only broke through all the barriers of justice, but in de- 
fiance of sense and reason, pretended to bind the people of this 
country by acts of a foreign legislature, thus falsely and imperiously 
legalizing oppression. 

Such a man, Sir, has Ireland found in Henry Grattan, born to 
be the instrument of your country's salvation ; you met corruption 
on her own ground, who, coward like, hid her guilty head and 
shrunk from the splendour, dignity, and irresistible force of your 
eloquence and virtue. 

That army of patriots, Sir, the Volunteers of Ireland, who stand 
unrivalled in the history of mankind, have declared the rights of 

Led by their glorious example, and influenced by their support, 




her Parliament has declared them, the whole kingdom has with 
one voice declared them, who then or what can deny them ? 

The torch of freedom is lighted and illumines the Irish nation 
from the peer to the poorest peasant ; nor is it ever to be quench- 
ed, but in the blood of its inhabitants. 

All Europe, Sir, the friends of legal liberty in every part of the 
globe, have seen and admired the settled, calm, but determined 
resolution of a brave people, in behalf of that first of sublunary 
blessings, and will rejoice in that spirit and unanimity which has 
put a period to the bondage of a century, and give justice a de- 
cisive victory over wrongs; a victory, by restoring to us our 
ancient and unalienable rights, and re-establishing our constitution 
on its true principles, must raise these kingdoms to the highest 
point of happiness and glory. 

And here, Sir, permit us to congratulate not only you and the 
people of this country, but those* of every part of the British 
empire, on the choice of servants which our beloved Sovereign 
has been lately pleased to make, as they appear determined (so far 
as we are hitherto enabled to judge) to make justice, equality, and 
economy, the settled basis of their administration, disdaining those 
mean, evasive, and temporizing arts, and disdaining that abomin- 
able system of corruption and boundless extravagance, which 
reduced the people to indigence, by supporting a numerous host 
of mercenary hirelings and sycophants of power at their expense ; 
engines of infamy, who having no will of their own, sacrificed 
honour, liberty, and every thing that was dear to man, at the altar 
of the ministerial high priest, but enough of such noxious beings. 
May you, Sir, live long to enjoy the most perfect felicities the hu- 
man mind can possess, the consciousness of having done right, 
and the blessings of the people ; and may they on their parts, 
regardless of any other consideration but their country's good, 
ever prove themselves worthy of the blessings of a free consti- 
tution, rejecting on every occasion, with becoming indignation, 
those miscreants, those slavish tools, who have on former occasions 
betrayed their interests ; and may they send those, and those only, 
to future Parliaments, who, however inferior to you in abilities, 
will yet imitate your virtues. 


Mr. Grattans Answer. 


The warmth, generosity, and force, with which you express 
your sentiments, that firm and undisguised manner in which you 
assert your rights, the liberality with which you encourage one, 
who among others has endeavoured to serve you, demand on my 
part, the warmest acknowledgements. 

A generous country overpays her advocates, and binds them to 
her service for ever. 

You ought to have many friends, for your cause is just, and 
your sentiments exalted. 

* The Fox party came into power, and the Duke of Portland was sent to 
Ireland as Lord Lieutenant. 




I do entirely coincide with you, in the most sanguine expec- 
tations from those councils which his Majesty has called to his 
assistance, a government that shall found itself on privilege, an 
administration that shall stand on reduction, must be universally 
popular and irresistibly powerful. 

Europe has seen with approbation our efforts for freedom, she 
will behold the same nation raising her government above the 
necessity of corruption, by an emulation of independent support, 
and thus shall we prove that privilege is the foundation of order ; 
and purity the strongest engine of power. 

I am, Gentlemen, 
Your most humble and obedient Servant, 


Dublin, April 21st, 1782. 

At a full Meeting of the Corps of Independent Dublin Volunteers: 
Major CANIER in the chair. 
The following Address was unanimously agreed to : 

To Colonel Henry Gratian. 


At a time when every voice is raised to thank you, who ever 
stood foremost in the cause of liberty, and your country ; we, who 
have the honour of serving under your command, would ill deserve 
so high a distinction, were we not to add our suffrages to those of 
an applauding and grateful people, who press forward with a jea- 
lous emulation, to express their feelings to you, who have so often, 
and at length so successfully combated for the rights of this in- 
jured nation. 

Permit us, therefore, Sir, to say, that we are truly sensible of 
the many obligations we are under to you, for so nobly introducing, 
and with such manly eloquence, unequivocally defending the 
rights of this country ; and beg leave to assure you, that, as Citi- 
zens and Soldiers, we shall ever remember your unceasing exer- 
tions with pleasure. 

We know your heart too well, to urge you to persevere ; all we 
have to hope is, that your life may long be spared to your country, 
to watch over that liberty you were so honourably distinguished in 

Resolved, That a Chairman and a Committee do wait on 
Colonel Grattan with the above Address, and that it be published, 
with his answer, in the Dublin Evening Post, Saunders's News- 
Letter, and Hibernian Journal. 

The Rev. Mr. MILLER having taken the chair. 
Resolved, unanimously, That our Thanks be given to Major 
Canier, for his constant attention to the discipline of the corps, 
and his proper conduct in the chair : 

Signed by order, 




The Committee having waited upon Col. Gratta n, he returned 
the following Answer. 

Mr. Grattaris Answer. 


The principles which are now likely to become law and consti- 
tution, are those which have ever distinguished your corps: I have 
many reasons which incline me to a personal, as well as a political 
predilection in favor of the Independent Dublin Volunteers ; my 
knowledge of your sentiments makes your approbation particu- 
larly acceptable. 

I think I will not forfeit your esteem ; I am sure you will always 
command mine ; and that we both shall continue in these sen- 
timents towards each other, is my ardent wish, and sincere opinion. 

I am, Gentlemen, 
With great respect and thanks, 

Your most obedient Servant, 



At a full Meeting of the Clonmel Independents, the 21st April, 

Colonel BAGWELL in the chair. 

Resolved, unanimously, That the unfeigned and most heartfelt 
thanks of this corps, be given to Henry Grattan, Esq. for the 
steady and invariable exertion of his distinguished abilities, for the 
purpose of obtaining a redress of the several grievances under 
which Ireland has long laboured, which we now trust will be 
speedily effected to the utmost of our wishes, in the establishment 
of all our constitutional rights. 

Resolved, unanimously, That in a particular degree, we con- 
ceive ourselves called upon, to render him every possible acknow- 
ledgment for his motion in Parliament, on Tuesday the 16th instant, 
whereby he has gloriously obtained measures, that will for ever 
perpetuate the name of Grattan, in the annals of this kingdom, 
and in the hearts of a grateful people. 

Resolved, That the above resolutions and following address be 
transmitted to Mr. Grattan, by the Chairman, and published in 
the Dublin Evening Post, and Clonmel Gazette. 

JOHN BAGWELL, Chairman. 

Clonmel, April 21st, 1782. 


With inexpressible satisfaction, we took the earliest opportu- 
nity of returning you our unfeigned thanks, for that unremitted 
ardour and unshaken perseverance you manifested on every occa- 
sion, in support of the liberty of your country, and by which, we 
hope, you nave completely emancipated it. 




Every thing to form a perfect character, the 16th of April, 1782, 
has shown in the person of a Grattan, whose name the present, 
and after ages, must revere as the redeemer of his country. 

JOHN BAGWELL, Chairman. 

Mr. Grattan s Answer. 


This testimony of your approbation, is perhaps much more 
than I have deserved, but what, I think, I will not forfeit. 

I hope our constitutional rights will be speedily established — 
it will be our own fault if they are not so — as the establishment is 
to be final, so must it be full. 

I need not add more words to assure you of my regard and 
respect, for your sentiments and your privileges. 

I am, Gentlemen, with many thanks, 

Your humble and obedient Servant, 



I received your most obliging and flattering letter, accom- 
panied with the resolutions of the Clonmel Independents. 

I send my answer, unequal to express my sense of the honour 
they have done me. Permit me to return you my most particular 

I am, Sir, with much respect, 
Your most obedient and humble Servant, 


To John Bagwell^ Esq. 


At a Meeting of the Waterford Union, April 21st, 1782. 

Secretary SAMUEL DRAPES in the chair. 

Resolved, unanimously, That we conceive the great mental 
abilities of Henry Grattan, Esq. guided as they have been by 
immutable integrity of heart, and exercised solely for the advantage 
of this kingdom, are likely to prove the primary cause of measures 
fraught with the best of consequences to us, and to our latest 

Therefore, resolved, unanimously, That this troop (as Irishmen 
interested in favour of their dearest rights) do return their most 
grateful and unfeigned thanks to Henry Grattan, Esq. for his 
steady and uniform parliamentary conduct in support of these 

Resolved, unanimously, That Henry Grattan, Esq. be ad- 
mitted an honorary member of this troop. 

Resolved, unanimously, That a copy of these resolutions he 
transmitted to Thomas Christmas, Esq. our Captain, and that he 
be requested to present them to Mr. Grattan. 





Resolved, unanimously, That our secretary be ordered to have 
these resolutions published in the Dublin Evening Post, and in the 
Waterford Chronicle. 

Signed by order, 
SAMUEL DRAPES, Secretary and Chairman, 

Mr. Grattan s Anstver. 


I return you my most sincere thanks, for the honour 
which you have done me, in admitting me an honorary member of 
your respectable body. I am to thank you also for the warm ex- 
pressions in which that honour has been conveyed. I cannot 
answer in adequate terms the generous spirit you disclose. I can 
only assure you, that I prize your esteem too much ever to 
forfeit it. 

I am, Gentlemen, with many thanks, 

Your most obedient Servant, 


April 27th, 1782. 


At a Meeting of the freeholders and other principal members of 
the ancient congregation of Broad Island, held at Bally carry in 
the county of Antrim, on Tuesday the 23d of April, 1782. 

The Rev. JOHN BANKHEAD in the Chair. 

The following resolutions were agreed to without a dissenting 
voice : 

That a late statement of national grievances in the Commons 
House of Parliament, by that honour to his country Mr. Grattan, 
appears to us a full and well timed statement; well timed, for it 
was immediate, and full, for their removal brings Irish policy within 
the reach of Hibernia's arm. 

That the thanks of this meeting are most respectfully of- 
fered to Mr. Grattan, for his statement of the grievances of 
the people of Ireland, to Mr. Brownlow for seconding the amend- 
ment, and to all the other members present for their unanimous 

Signed by order, 

vJOHN BANKHEAD, Chairman. 






At a Meeting of the First Newry Regiment, or Newry Legion, on 
the 22d of April, 1782. 

Major GORDON in the chair. 

Resolved unanimously, That the address, now approved of, be 
signed by our chairman, and transmitted to Henry Grattan, 

To Henri/ Graft on, Esq. 


We have always beheld with pleasure your noble and spi- 
rited endeavours to obtain the rights and redress the grievances of 
your country. These rights we have now every reason to expect, 
through your virtue and perseverance, to see restored, and those 
grievances redressed. 

The people have looked up to you, and they have not been 
deceived. We thank you for your amendment to the address voted 
to His Majesty on the 16th inst. declaratory of the rights, and ex- 
pressive of the grievances of this country. 

We doubt not your perseverance until we are made a free peo- 
ple, and we renew to you our determination, as citizens and 
soldiers, to give you every constitutional support in our power. 


Mr. Grattan s Answer. 


I am obliged to you for the confidence you have placed in 
me; I hope I will always deserve it. — I thank you for the support 
you have given the public cause. Men like you deserve to be 
free, and I trust speedily will be so. 

I have the honour to be, with many thanks, 

Your most humble and obedient, 



At a Meeting of the Artillery and the different Independent Corps 
of Infantry, Nos. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, and 7, of the City of Waterford, 
held at the Exchange, on Tuesday the 23d of April, 1782. 
HENRY TANDY, Esq. was unanimously called to the chair. 
Resolved unanimously, That the following Address be pre- 
sented to Henry Grattan, Esq. 


Impelled by the strongest sentiments of gratitude, which 
we conceive must animate the breast of every Irishman, we, the 

n 2 




Independent Corps of Artillery and Infantry, Nos. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 
and 7. of the City of Waterford, cannot omit taking the earliest 
opportunity in our power of expressing our public thanks to you 
for your unwearied perseverance in the glorious cause of liberty ; 
we have seen, with the greatest satisfaction, your shining abilities 
employed in a cause that is worthy of them, and are proud to ac- 
knowledge our obligations to you. 

To a mind like your's, no recompence can be so flattering as 
the sincere applause of your admiring countrymen, and surely 
they cannot hesitate to pay a tribute so justly due; you have re- 
stored to us every thing which should be dear to men determined 
to be FREE, and in such a manner as will justly entitle you to the 
glorious appellation of deliverer of your country. 

May you, Sir, long live to be a blessing to, as you are the orna- 
ment of that country, and to enjoy the heart-felt pleasure resulting 
from virtuous actions. 

Resolved unanimously, That Henry Grattan, Esq. be, and he 
is hereby admitted an honorary member of the different corps of 
the City of Waterford. 

Resolved unanimously, That a copy of the above be transmitted 
to Robert Shap. Carew, Esq. and that he be requested to present 
the same to Mr. Grattan. 

Resolved unanimously, That these proceedings be published in 
the Dublin Evening Post, and Waterford papers. 

Signed by order. 

The chairman having left the chair: 

Resolved unanimously, That the thanks of this meeting be 
given to Henry Tandy, Esq. for his polite and very impartial 
conduct in the chair. 

Signed by order 


Mr. Grattan s Anstuer. 


The terms in which you are pleased to express your sense 
of my conduct, affect me very sensibly. I would wish to be 
silent, where I cannot with ease find adequate expressions of 

You deserve to be faithfully served, for you are a generous and 
a noble-minded race of men. I am happy to be one of your 
body. We are embarked in the same cause, and will adhere to it for 

I am, with many thanks, 

Your humble and obedient Servant, 


Appendix. ~\ 



At a General Meeting of the Castlebar Volunteers, on Wednesday 
the 24th of April. 
Lieutenant-Colonel JORDAN in the chair. 
Resolved unanimously. That the following Address be pre- 
sented to Henry Grattan. Esq. and that it be inserted, together 
with his Answer, in the public papers. 

To Henry Grattan, Esq. 


The Castlebar Volunteers, a body composed of industrious, 
but independent men, cannot content themselves with a silent ad- 
miration of you — it would require a language like your own to 
express what they feel ; finding that impossible, accept then their 
unadorned but sincere acknowledgments, their most fervent 
prayers are offered up to Heaven for the long continuance of your 
inestimable life, and for your enjoyment of all the blessings of this 
world. Let fools and knaves be intoxicated with high sounding 
titles! Grattan, the friend, the benefactor, the saviour of his 
country, will stand recorded in the annals of Ireland, and in the 
breasts of Irishmen, till time shall be no more. 

Afr. G rattan's Ansiver. 

From an independent and industrious body like yours, I receive 
an address with the greater satisfaction, because those independent 
and industrious habits are the great source of affluence and free- 
dom — and contain the productive principle of national eminence. 

The titles which you bestow are the most honourable that can 
fall to the lot of man ; they are a proof of your generosity, and 
shall be the object of my emulation. 

I am, with respect, 

Your most humble obedient Servant, 


Dublin, May 2. 


At a full Meeting of this troop, at Newtown, in the County of 
W aterford, on Thursday, the 25th of April, 1782. 

Captain SHEE in the chair. 

The following address was unanimously agreed to : — 

To Colonel Henri/ Grattan. 


We count ourselves peculiarly happy in thus publicly 
returning you our unfeigned thanks for that steadiness and perse- 

M 3 


independence of 1782. [Appendix. 

verance which has been manifest in your conduct, on every 
occasion, in support of Ireland's rights and liberties; but particu- 
larly on the glorious opportunity that offered on the 16th instant; 
a day to be ever celebrated by Irishmen, and a day that must hand 
down to a grateful posterity the exalted name of Grattan, with 
peculiar veneration, as the unremitting supporter and saviour of 
his country. 

Resolved, That Colonel Grattan be unanimously admitted an 
honorary member of this troop. 

Resolved, That this address be published in the Dublin Evening 
Post, and Waterford Chronicle. 

Mr. Grattan s Answer. 


Ever an admirer of your principles, and now one of your 
body, I am to return you my thanks as a fellow-soldier and a fellow- 
citizen. The sentiments in which you have admitted me into your 
troop, shall be the sentiments of my life ; and the liberty of Ire- 
land, as it was my first y so it shall be my latest passion* In this I 
am not particular, while respectable men like you entertain the 
same wish, and help to carry it into execution. 
I am, Gentlemen, 

With the greatest respect, 

Your most humble Servant, 



On Parade, Saturday, April 27, 1782. 
Resolved unanimously, That the following address to Mr, 
Grattan be signed and forwarded by our captain, and that the 
same be published in the Dublin Evening Post and Belfast News 


To Henry Grattan, Esq. 


We sincerely thank you for your steady, uniform, and at 
last, successful exertions in favor of the liberties of Ireland: to 
your animated and persevering endeavours, aided by those worthies 
who so nobly supported you in the glorious pursuit, we stand in- 
debted for our emancipation from the intolerable yoke of a foreign 

May Heaven preserve your invaluable life, long to watch over 
that liberty you so early and so firmly asserted, long to enjoy the 
satisfaction arising from the applause of admiring millions, and the 
still greater, proceeding from the consciousness of having de- 
served it. 

Appendix. j independence of 1782. 


We aim not to confer honour, but to derive it, by declaring to 
the world, that we shall ever revere you as the deliverer of your 
■country, and that whilst Ireland is a nation, your name must be re- 
membered with gratitude. 

Those rights which you have laboured to establish, which the 
people have unanimously claimed, and which both Houses of 
Parliament have now declared; we are determined to support 
to the utmost, and never to yield but with our lives. 

We rejoice that the time is at last arrived, when the voice of the 
senate and the voice of the people is one, our just claims thus en- 
forced will not be refused, our rights will be established on a per- 
menent basis, and our grievances fully redressed — when that aera 
shall arive, all jealousies will cease, Britain and Ireland, two distinct 
kingdoms, will become one people, inseparably united by interest 
and affection, by equal liberty and the same constitution, our lives 
and fortune will be gladly dedicated to the defence of our beloved 
Sovereign and his illustrious house; Ireland will then cheerfully 
bleed for Britain, and sharing her liberty will share her fate. 


Afir. G rattan's Answer. 


You feel with justice that the bonds of union are to be 
strengthened only by the removal of jealousy, and that Great 
Britain acquires poiver nhen Ireland obtains liberty. 

We have eveT wished to bleed in the general cause, and in secu- 
ring our own liberty have sought a safe opportunity to indulge the 
next most powerful affection of our mind, a sisterly regard for the 
British nation. 

A unanimous Parliament, breathing the sense of a united people, 
and founding its claim on uncontrovertible rights, must prevail. 
Your strong expressions in my favour, I am very sensible of, and 
shall never forget. Your principles give authority to your com- 

I am, Gentlemen, with great respect, 

Your most humble Servant, 



At a full Meeting of the Independent Royal Oak Volunteer Com- 
panies of the City of Waterford, in a regular and proper manner 
convened, JAMES KEARNEY, Esq. being called to the chair, it 
was unanimously resolved that the following address be pre- 
sented to Henry Grattan, Esq. 

We have long observed your steadv, virtuous and truly 
patriotic conduct in Parliament, and with conscious pleasure 
find ourselves among the foremost > at your first setting out, in 
n 4 




expressing our very high veneration for the powerful exertion of 
your abilities in your country's cause. — Your glorious perseverance 
has at length procured those declarations which Ireland long 
wished for. To your unwearied endeavours do we chiefly attri- 
bute the vindication of those rights which Irishmen value above 

Accept then, Sir, the warmest thanks which gratitude, which 
admiration can bestow ; and believe us when we thus publicly de- 
clare, that we consider it as one of the greatest compliments we 
can pay ourselves, the enrolling you amongst the Royal Oak 
Volunteers of the City of Waterford. 

Resolved unanimously, That a copy of the above resolutions be 
transmitted to our worthy and patriotic Colonel, Cornelius 
Bolton, Esq. and that he be requested to present the same to 
Henry Grattan, Esq. 

Resolved, That the above resolutions be published in the Dublin 
Evening Post and Waterford Papers. 

Signed by order, 

The chairman having left the chair, resolved unanimously, 
That the thanks of this meeting be given to Captain Kearney, 
for his proper conduct in the chair. 

Signed by order, 


Waterford, ) 
April 28th, 1782. \ 

Mr. Grattan s Answer. 


I am to thank you a second time, for the most flattering 
mark of distinction. — Encouraged by your approbation and sup- 
ported by your spirit, I have ventured to proceed with other friends 
of this country to advance the general cause. 

I will not desert it now, nor think myself deserving of those 
thanks which you so generously bestow on me, until the work is 
finished, and all the particulars of our address acceded to, in the 
well-founded expectation of which, I subscribe myself, 

With great respect, and many thanks, 
One of your body, 


COMMANDED by his grace the 
At a general Meeting of the corps, pursuant to a special sum- 
mons for that purpose, held at the Eagle, Eustace-street, the 
28th day of April, 1782. 




HENRY MONK, Esq. Major, in the chair. 

This corps, having considered, with the highest gratitude, and 
most heartfelt satisfaction, the paternal regard and attention which 
his Majesty has been graciously pleased to manifest to this nation, 
in his message to our Parliament, directing them to take our 
grievances into their most serious consideration, have 

Resolved unanimously. That a conduct so truly royal in our 
most gracious Sovereign, must make an indelible impression on 
the hearts of Irishmen, whose strongest characteristics are affec- 
tionate loyalty to their Prince, and the most determined and perse- 
vering exertions in the cause of their country and her constitutional 

Resolved unanimously, That we should hold ourselves unworthy 
such royal favour, did we not feel the weight of the obligation, and 
determine most steadily to coincide with his Majesty's gracious 
intention of delivering this his loyal kingdom from every grievance. 

Resolved unanimously, That, as citizens and soldiers, we feel 
ourselves deeply impressed with gratitude and esteem* for those 
respectable and illustrious characters in both Houses of Parliament, 
who have supported the honour and consequence of the Volun- 
teers of Ireland, from a conviction that their manly determinations 
to enjoy the blessings of a free constitution, are the best proofs of 
their unshaken loyalty and attention to the true interests of this 

Resolved, That we receive the utmost satisfaction in finding, 
that the following resolutions of this corps, published the 9th Day 
of June, 1780, has been supported by the unanimous voice of the 
nation, viz. 

The Duke of LEINSTER then in the chair. 

" That the King, Lords, and Commons of Ireland only, are com- 
" petent to make laws binding the subjects of this realm, and that 
U we will not obey, or give operation to any laws, save only those 
" enacted by the King, Lords, and Commons of Ireland, whose 
" rights and privileges, jointly and severally, we are determined 
" to support with our lives and fortunes." 

Resolved unanimously, That Henry Grattan, Esq. in a peculiar 
manner, merits the thanks and confidence of every Irishman for 
the distinguished exertion of his abilities, displayed on his propo- 
sition for a parliamentary Declaration of Rights, which we have 
now the happiness to see sanctified by both Houses of Parliament, 
with that unanimity its national importance demanded. 

Resolved accordingly, That the Thanks of this corps be pre- 
sented to Mr. Grattan, and that a respectable deputation do wait 
on him with a copy of these Resolutions. 

The corps take this opportunity of thus publicly returning 
Thanks to Major Monk for his conduct in the chair this day, and 
for his constant attention to the corps upon all occasions. 

Ordered, That the above Resolutions be published six times in 
the Dublin Evening Post and Dublin Journal. 

Signed by order, 



independence of 1782. [Appendix, 

The committee appointed having waited on Mr. Grattan with 
the Resolution, he was pleased to return the following Answer: 

I return you my most sincere thanks. — We are embarked 
in the same cause, with one interest and one opinion ; the same 
determination to be free, and the same desire to exhort those who 
endeavour to serve the public : — Your resolution is particularly 
agreeable to me : — I enter into the generous spirit which inspired 
it, and shall be ambitious to retain that esteem which I am proud 
to meet with in this most flattering testimony of your liberality and 
your patriotism. 

I am, Gentlemen, 
With the greatest respect, 

Your most humble obedient, 


At a Meeting of delegates from eighty-six of the Volunteer 
corps of the province of Munster, at Mallow, the 2d of May, 

Colonel STAWELL in the chair. 

A committee being chosen for the purpose of forming Resolu- 
tions, the following were reported and unanimously agreed to : 
Lord KINGSBOROUGH, Chairman of the committee. 

Resolved unanimously, That the Resolutions of the Volunteer 
delegates assembled at Dungannon, express with spirit and truth 
the rights and grievances of this kingdom ; we therefore most cor- 
dially accede to them. 

Resolved unanimously, That we are determined with our lives 
and fortunes, to support our Houses of Parliament in their late 
virtuous efforts to establish the rights and privileges of this realm. 

Resolved unanimously, That it is the earnest wish, and it must 
ever be the glory of Irishmen to be connected with Great Britain 
by friendship never to be broken ; by affections never to be 
changed; by interests never to be separated; but we conceive a 
mutual enjoyment of equal privilege (being united under the same 
Sovereign, yet governed by distinct and independent legislatures) 
can alone establish such friendship, such affections, such interests. 

Resolved unanimously, That we have the most ardent hope 
that the administration of Ireland will adopt that plan of retrench- 
ment which ministers have declared their intention of forming in 
England ; and we rejoice at the idea of " weeding corruption from 
the Land," a system much to be wished for in this kingdom, where 
we have seen the most prostitute characters hold the most 
honourable and lucrative employments. 

Resolved unanimously, That when the rights of this realm shall 
be universally acknowledged, it will be the indispensible duty of 
every Irishman to guard the constitution against future violation ; 
and as the infamous doctrine of power conferring right hath been 
asserted, We therefore pledge ourselves, and conjure our brethren 

Appendix.'] independence of 1782. 187 

volunteers, not to relinquish or slacken in the use of arms, as the 
best means to repel any attempt of lawless power to guard against 
invasion, assist our sister kingdom, and enforce the just execution 
of laws. 

Resolved unanimously, That a committee of correspondnce,a 
consisting of thirty -six members, be elected, (seven to be 
quorum) to meet and consult with the other delegates of the 

Resolved unanimously, That no member of either House of 
Parliament, who hath in or out of Parliament, or by any other 
means, opposed a declaration of rights for this kingdom, shall be 
eligible as a committee-man. 

The Committee was formed of the following persons : 

County of Cork. 
James Bernard, Esq. Lord Viscount Kingsborough, 

Colonel Francis Bernard, Sir John Conway Colthurst, Bart. 

County of the City of Cork. 
Colonel Bagwell, Richard Moore, Esq. 

Colonel Bousfield, Richard Fitton, Esq. 

County of Limerick. 
Colonel Massey, Colonel Ryves, 

Colonel Croker, Colonel Maunsell. 

County of the City of Limerick. 
Colonel Smyth, Colonel Harte, 

Colonel Prendergast, Major Powell. 

County of Waterford. 
John Congreve, Esq. Captain Musgra\e, 

Colonel Kean, Captain Shee. 

County of the City of Waterford. 
Robert Shapland Carew, Esq. Henry Alcock, Esq. 
Cornelius Bolton, Esq. Hannibal William Dobbyn, Esq. 

County of Kerry. 
Colonel Sir Barry Denny, Bart. Major Godfrey, 
Colonel Arthur Blennerhasset, Colonel Gun. 

County of Tipperary. 
Colonel Prittie, Samuel Jacob, Esq. 

Edward Moore, Esq. Samuel Allen, Esq. 

County of Clare. 
Not yet returned. 
Resolved unanimously, That as we wish to see all the spirit, 
the virtue, and the strength of the nation united in the support 
and defence of the just rights and constitution of Ireland, respect- 
able men of every religious denomination, be admissible, by ballot 
(as usual) into the volunteer corps of this province. 

Resolved unanimously, That we shall ever acknowledge our 
obligations to those members of Parliament, who uniformly sup- 

188 independence of 1782. [^Appendix. 

ported the rights and pressed for a redress of the grievances of 
this kingdom ; and that such men alone are worthy of our support 
on every future election. 

Resolved unanimously, That the Thanks of this Meeting be pre- 
sented to Colonel Henry Grattan, for his unwearied attention to 
the interest of Ireland : and from whose exertions, assisted by the 
volunteers, and people in general, this kingdom is likely to derive 
great and lasting advantages. 

Resolved unanimously, That the following Address be presented 
to Colonel Henry Grattan: 
" Sir, 

" A nation, for ages despoiled of her liberty, considers 
" you as the assertor of that blessing without the enjoyment of 
" which, riches cease to be wealth, and peace to be tranquillity. 
" Look into yourself — revolve in your mind, that you have made 
" your country free! Your own sensations must be superior to all 
" the thanks we can express." 

Resolved unanimously, That the volunteer corps and inhab- 
itants of Mallow merit the thanks of this meeting, for their atten- 
tion, and for their polite and hospitable behaviour. 

Resolved unanimously, That the commanders of the several 
volunteer corps of this province do return (upon honour) to the 
chairman, the date of their first association in arms. 

Resolved unanimously, That the proceedings of this meeting 
be published in the Dublin, Belfast, Cork, Clare, Limerick, Kerry, 
and Waterford Newspapers. 

Resolved unanimously, That the thanks of this meeting be 
given to Henry Newson, Esq., for his proper conduct as Secretary. 

Resolved unanimously, That this Meeting be adjourned until 
such time as the Answers to the Addresses of our Parliament be 
received, as we are at this time uncertain what measures may be 
proper for Irishmen to adopt : and that then, and on every other 
great national occasion, our Committee of Correspondence be em- 
powered, and are requested to call a meeting of the delegates of 
this province. 

The chairman having quitted the chair. 
Resolved unanimously, That the thanks of this meeting be pre- 
sented to Colonel Stawell, for the propriety of his conduct in the 

In committee, the chairman having quitted the chair. 

Resolved unanimously, That the thanks of this committee be 
given to Lord Viscount Kingsborough, for the propriety of his con- 
duct in the chair, and we reflect with pleasure on his patriotic 
conduct in parliament. 

HENRY NEWSOM, Secretary to the Munster Delegates. 

Mr. Grattan s Answer. 


It is impossible to convey in fewer words more decided 
sentiments, or more flattering approbation, than you have done in 
those very pregnant lines, for which I am now to return my sin- 
cere acknowledgments. 

Appendix. ~] 



On the part of my country, and of myself, I am to thank eighty- 
six corps — I am to thank them for conferring honour on the indi- 
vidual, for giving support to the cause, and for combining both. 

The grievances, for the removal of all and each of which we are 
committed life and fortune ; foreign legislature, appellant judi- 
cature, and writ of error to England, unconstitutional power of 
the councils, and a perpetual mutiny bill, will I hope speedily 
vanish, and a free constitution establish itself on their ruins. 

1 thank you most sincerely. I thank you for your support and 
your commendation, your esteem and your assistance. 

I am, Gentlemen, 
With the greatest respect and regard, 
Your most humble Servant, 

P. S. Mr. Francis Bernard has done me the honour to present 
your Address ; to the same respectable and independent member 
I gave the Answer. 

At a full Meeting of the Londonderry Independent Volunteers, 
held in the City-Hall, May 2d, 1782. 

Captain FERGUSON Chairman. 

Resolved unanimously, That the following Address be trans- 
mitted by our Captain to Mr. Grattan, and be published in the 
Dublin Evening Post and Londonderry Journal. 

To Henry Grattan, Esq. 


We rejoice that the Parliament hath unanimously declared 
to our Sovereign the grievances of his loyal subjects in Ireland, 
we rest in confidence that those grievances will now be redressed. 
And we feel our' obligations to the spirited and persevering as- 
sertor of our rights. Finish what you have so ably begun. See our 
grievances effectually redressed, and our rights fully established ; in 
this great work, we are determined to support you with our lives 
and fortunes. 

We are unable to do justice to merit, which will be admired and 
venerated by posterity. Accept, Sir, our thanks as a testimony of 
our gratitude. May you long enjoy the tribute of praise, esteem, 
and affection, due by a generous people to the zealous champion 
of their liberties. 

JOHN FERGUSON, | Captain Londonderry Inde- 
I pendent V olunteers. 

Mr. Grattan s Answer. 


I rejoice with you that Parliament has declared to the 
King the grievances of his people ; with vou I remain in expecta- 
tion that they will be redressed, and relying on you I will persist 




until they are so ; in doing so I but discharge a duty due to a ge- 
nerous and spirited country, whose efforts, founded on right, will 
make her situation free and her name immortal. 

I am, Gentlemen, with great respect, 

Your most humble and obedient Servant, 


May 9th, 1782. 


At a Meeting of the United Corps of True Blue Volunteers, and 
Society Volunteers on parade, the 2d of May, 1782. 
Resolved unanimously, That the following Address be sub- 
scribed by our respective Captains, and forwarded to Henry 
Grattan, Esq. and that the same, with Mr. Grattan's Answer, 
be published three times in the Dublin Evening Post and London- 
derry Journal. 

To Henry Grattan, Esq. 


As your conduct in Parliament has always been directed 
to one great object, " the rights of Ireland," the people have look- 
ed up to you with confidence, and you have fully approved your- 
self worthy of it. 

United to you in sentiment, bound to you by obligation, we 
should do injustice to our feelings, were we to omit expressing our 
gratitude, for your noble, spirited, and successful endeavour, on 
the 16th of last month, to ascertain and secure the freedom and 
independence of this kingdom, and to fix the constitution on the 
firm basis of equal liberty. And as through you, and other virtu- 
ous and independent senators, the voice of the people is at length 
become the voice of Parliament, we flatter ourselves with the hope 
that the period is not distant, when your efforts will be crowned 
with success, by securing to your fellow-subjects their undoubted 
rights, which will unite them to Great Britain by interest and af- 

Deeply interested in your welfare, permit us, Sir, to express our 
sincerest wishes, that Providence may prolong your life ; an orna- 
ment to your country ; (animating her sons to an imitation of your 
virtues) and her boast to future generations. 

WILLIAM LECKY, Captain, True Blue Volunteers. 
WILLIAM MOORE, Captain Society Volunteers. 
Londonderry, May 3d, 1782. 

Mr. Grattan s Ansxuer. 


I do hope that the period is not far off, when the virtuous 
efforts of this country shall be crowned with success. Those 
efforts were confined to the uncontrovertible rights of the people; 




and as in their origin they proceeded from a spirit of moderation, 
so in their consequence must they have the salutary effect of coa- 
lition, by making interest and affection the bond of our connexion 
with Great Britain ; any other is transitory, treacherous, mean, and 

The empire, like the constitution, is preserved by the freedom 
of all its parts. 

In this sentiment the Irish nation has, by securing her own 
liberty, served the common cause ; and Great Britain, by acceding 
to Irish rights, perpetuates the British empire. 

I am, Gentlemen, 
With many thanks and great respect, 
Your most humble obedient Servant, 



At a numerous and respectable Meeting of the freeholders and 
principal inhabitants of the parish of Aughinloe, in the county 
of Londonderry, held at the church of said parish, on the 
3d day of May, 1782, pursuant to public notice. 

PAUL CHURCH, Gentleman, in the chair. 

The following resolutions were unanimously agreed to : 

That, at this critical and important crisis, when the fate of Ire- 
land depends upon the wise and spirited exertions of its virtuous 
inhabitants, we consider it an indispensable duty we owe to our- 
selves, to our country, and to posterity, to join with our fellow- 
citizens in demanding those constitutional privileges which are our 
unalienable birth-rights as Irishmen. 

That as freemen, we will be governed only by our own laws, 
and that the King, Lords, and Commons of Ireland, are the only 
power competent to make such laws. 

That the members of the House of Commons derive their power 
solely from their constituents, and that every member thereof, 
who contemptuously neglects the instructions of his constituents, 
betrays his trust, and is unworthy of confidence. 

That we will not, at the next general Election, support any man, 
but such as is known to be of real integrity, and a friend to this 

That our warmest thanks and most perfect obligations are due 
to HenryGrattan, Esq. and the rest of those worthy and patriotic 
senators, who have so long, and until lately so ineffectually laboured 
for the emancipation of this country. 

That our Chairman, Messrs. Alexander Scott, Matthew Patten, 
David Ranken, John Forsyth, William Forsyth, Jacob Forsyth, 
William Hazlet, and Thomas Maxwell, be appointed a committee 
(any five of whom to be a quorum) to call future meetings of 
said parish, and to act in concert with the committees of other 

192 independence of 1782. [Appendix. 

parishes, and that these our resolutions be published three times 
in the Dublin Evening Post. 

PAUL CHURCH, Chairman. 

Resolved, That the thanks of this meeting be given to our 
chairman for his good and proper conduct. 

JACOB FORSYTH, Jun. Secretary. 


At a general Meeting of the Clanricarde Infantry, at Head 
Quarters, Loughrea, on Sunday the 5th of May, 1782. 

Captain DAVID POWER in the chair. 

Resolved, That the following address (which should have 
come earlier from this corps, had not the shock it received by the 
sudden death of our much lamented Colonel, the late Earl of 
Clanricarde, and our consequent attendance at his interment, 
prevented,) be now signed by our chairman, and by him trans- 
mitted to Henry Grattan, Esq. 

To Henry Grattan, Esq. 


When abilities like yours, proof against every species of 
corruption, and devoted solely to the public service, have been 
exercised with unremitting perseverance in the glorious task of 
rescuing this long oppressed country from slavery, we should con- 
sider a tacit approbation of your conduct but a negative compli- 
ment to a character so distinguished, and entitled not only to the 
admiration, but to the public applause of the whole kingdom. 
A prospect of happiness, to which Ireland hath long been a stran- 
ger, has at length, through your unwearied exertions, and those 
of a few worthy colleagues, begun to dawn upon us, and the peo- 
ple behold with pleasure the good effects of their virtuous struggle 
for liberty, in his Majesty's message to the Parliament of this 
kingdom, and in that spirited, yet loyal address to his Majesty on 
the occasion, which received, Sir, from your amendment its fullest 
force, and, in our minds, its chiefest consequence. 

Impressed with every exalted feeling for the situation of this 
impoverished country, and fully acquainted with its constitution, 
you have set forth our grievances in their proper light, and in a 
manner which every free born and virtuous son of Great Britain 
must approve of. The unanimous voice of this nation, expressive of 
the decided sentiments of its inhabitants, has reached the throne, 
backed by the steady evidence of truth and justice ; and the Par- 
liament of England having now no alternative left, cannot hesitate 




a moment to abolish every act of supremacy over Ireland. But 
should they still persist to procrastinate our rights, and tamper 
with our well tried loyalty, a brave and armed people will not, 
cannot, submit ; their lives are interwoven with their liberties, and 
though they would die in defence of British honour, they would 
first live or perish in support of Irish freedom. 

DAVID POWER, Chairman. 

Resolved, That Henry Grattan, Esq. be elected an honorary 
member of this corps, as it is our wish to have a name so respect- 
able in the eyes of our country enrolled amongst us, and such 
appointment being the highest testimony we can give of our very 
great sense of his merit. 

Resolved, That these Resolutions and Address, with Mr. Grat- 
tan'.s answer, be published in the Dublin Evening Post, and 
Connaught Journal. 

Signed by order, 


Mr* Grattans Answer. 
Gentlemen, .5th May, 178-2. 

It gives me very particular pleasure in finding the answer 
to his Majesty's message so agreeable to the sense of the nation, 
and, as it contained nothing which was not essential to our exis- 
tence, as freemen, so we have taken the liberty to commit this 
nation to every part of it, and previous to the adjournment of last 
Saturday, the members of the House of Commons did solemnly 
pledge themselves, and their country, to the abolition of the fol- 
lowing grievances as contained in our answer : — Foreign legisla- 
ture, Foreign judicature of any kind whatsoever, unconstitutional 
powers of the councils, and a perpetual mutiny bill ; pledged 
against all and each of these grievances, we departed to return to 
Parliament in three weeks, with the same unalterable sentiments. 

We have great reliance on the justice of England, and the fair 
and honorable objects of her ministers, and, therefore, without 
betraying any diffidence of them, have manifested that firmness in 
ourselves which shall not only make us free, but respectable — for 
we do not supplicate for our rights as a favor, even when we are 
stating them to an amicable government. 

I return you my very sincere thanks for electing me to be a 
member of that body, whose spirit 1 have long admired, and glory 
to participate. 

I am, Gentlemen, with great admiration of your firmness and 

Your most humble Servant, 


194? independent constitution [Appendix. 

5th May, 1782. 


At a full Meeting of the Upper Cross and Coolock Independent 
Volunteers, at Ranelagh, on Sunday the 5th of May, 1782. 

Colonel RICHARD TALBOT in the Chair. 

The following Address was unanimously agreed to, and ordered 
to be presented to that distinguished patriot Henry Grattan, Esq, 

To Henry Grattan, Esq. 


Your manly, able and unremitting endeavours to eman- 
cipate your fellow subjects from the oppression of laws, enacted by 
a power incompetent to bind this realm, have as justly gained you 
the esteem and admiration, as they entitle you to the gratitude of 
every Irishman who prides in being the subject of a free state. 

Permit the Corps of Upper Cross and Coolock Independent 
Volunteers, who exult in the enviable honor of having first in- 
rolled you under the Volunteer banner, to approach with the tri- 
bute of their warmest thanks for those strenuous exertions in 
Parliament, of your very great abilities, from which we have now 
every reason to expect, and do confide, that this kingdom will 
speedily be acknowledged (what of right it is) an Imperial Kingdom, 
governed solely by its own Laws. 

Nor can we withhold this testimony of our approbation of that 
liberal, mild, and tolerating spirit, which the benevolence of your 
heart has dictated, and your eloquence diffused throughout this 
kingdom, a circumstance that has cemented in one common band 
of union, men of every rank and persuasion, and by which the na- 
tive and original strength of this nation has happily been restored. 

Persevere, Sir, and give us leave to assure you, that we will by 
every constitutional means in our power, support and assist you, in 
establishing the inherent and inalienable rights of the Crown and 
Parliament of Ireland, on the most firm and equitable basis. 


Colonel Talbot having left the Chair, and Captain John Trail 
having taken it. 

Resolved unanimously, That our sincere thanks be presented 
to our worthy Chairman, Colonel Richard Talbot, Esq,, for his 
constant and polite attention to this Corps, and for his spirited 
and zealous endeavours to improve the Commerce, and support the 
constitution of this country. 

Ordered, That a Deputation of the Officers of this Corps do 
wait on Henry Grattan, Esq. with the foregoing Address, and that 
said Address, with his answer, be published. 

Signed by order, 

J. GAYNOR, Sec. 



Mr. Grattan s Answer. 


We began together our military life, and have proceeded 
on the same principles. I reflect with great satisfaction on the 
commencement of a service that has prospered so exceedingly, 
and so marvellously answered the various purposes of defence and 

The spirit of toleration, tchick in other nations is humane, is 
xecessary and indispensable in Ireland. It is our base and bul- 
wark. Nature has made us the same people, and it is folly only 
that would divide us. We hold the liberty we receive, by right of 
the liberty we give. We confide in the Roman Catholic, and he is 
our friend for ever. I am greatly encouraged by this strong assur- 
ance of support. 

In your firmness, and your principles, I have the most implicit 

I am, Gentlemen, with great respect, 

Your most humble, obedient Servant, 


At a Meeting of the County of Lowth Regiment, held at Dundalk 
on Monday, the 6th of May, 1782. 

Lieutenant Colonel THOMAS LEE, in the Chair. 

The following Address was unanimously agreed to. 

To Colonel Henry Grattan. 


Whilst all ranks seem to vie with each other in applaud- 
ing your conduct, we should be insensible indeed, if we joined not 
in the general acclamation. 

To your unremitted exertions we hold ourselves in a great 
measure indebted for those commercial advantages which we have 
obtained, and those constitutional ones which we hope for. 

May you long live and feel your own happiness increased by 
participating in that of your country. 

Resolved unanimously, That John William Foster, Esq. do 
wa ; t on Colonel Grattan with the foregoing Address, and that 
the same, with Mr. Grattan's Answer, be inserted in the Dublin 
Evening Post. 

THOMAS LEE, Lieut. Colonel, Chairman. 
Mr. Grattan's Answer. 


Your strong and expressive Address 1 receive with thanks 
and gratitude. I know the spirit of your regiment ; that knowledge 
makes your approbation more interesting to me. Your character 
adds value to your praise. 

o 2 




I remain with you in firm expectation of great constitutional 
rights. My happiness, like yours, depends on the liberty of this 

I am, with great respect, 

Your most humble Servant, 


At a full Meeting of the Carton Union, May 6, 1782. 
Colonel HUGH CANE, in the Chair. 
Resolved unanimously, That the following Address be pre- 
sented to Colonel Henry Grattan. 


As every word in the English language expressive of 
respect, veneration, and gratitude, have justly been applied to 
you from every part of this kingdom, for the manly lead that you 
have taken in procuring for your native country those blessings 
that it now enjoys, and which nothing but your virtue and perse- 
verence could have obtained ; under those circumstances we find 
a difficulty to describe the warm feelings of our hearts, replete 
with gratitude and affection. 

May you, Sir, long enjoy the heartfelt satisfaction of having set 
your country free, and may this country look up to you as its de- 
liverer and guardian to the end of time. 

HUGH CANE, Colonel. 
Mr. Grattan s Answer. 


No thanks or acknowledgments on my part can equal 
your strong, generous, and honorable declarations. I will not 
fail to persevere in that conduct which has met with the approba- 
tion of my country, and which has been accompanied with such 
proofs of her generosity and applause. 

I am, with great respect, 

Your most humble and obedient Servant, 


4th June, 1782. 

At a General Meeting of the Leitrim Rangers, on the 6th day of 
May, 1782. 
JOHN MAHER, Esq. in the Chair. 
The following Resolutions were unanimously agreed to. 

Resolved, That we highly approve of, and admire the resolutions 
entered into by the Delegates assembled at Dungannon, on the 
15th day of February last, and the Connaught Delegates at Bal- 




linasloe ; and that we will at all times most cheerfully co-operate 
with our Fellow Citizens and Volunteers, in obtaining a redress of 
grievances and establishing the rights and liberties of Ireland. 

Resolved, That we feel the highest satisfaction for His Majesty's 
gracious attention to the welfare of this kingdom, in his message 
to our Parliament, recommending them to take our grievances into 
their serious consideration. 

Resolved, That, as Irishmen, we find ourselves deeply impressed 
with gratitude and esteem for those great and illustrious characters 
in both houses of parliament, who have so ably and honorably 
supported the rights of their country. 

Resolved unanimously, That Henry Grattan, Esq. merits the 
most sincere and warmest thanks of every Irishman, for the ex- 
ertion of his abilities, for the welfare and freedom of Ireland, and 
for his proposal of a parliamentary declaration of our rights. 

Resolved, That our thanks be presented to our Chairman, for 
his conduct in the chair this day. 

Signed by order, 


Mr. Grattan s Answer. 


I received your resolution in my favor, and return you my 
most sincere thanks. The measures you allude to, I hope will be 
attended with success, in which you are to thank the noble efforts 
of the nation, to which I have only given my assistance in com- 
mon with others. 

I am, with many thanks, 

Your most humble Servant, 


Dublin, 1 4th May, 1782. 


At a full Meeting of the Loughgall Volunteers, on parade, Wednes- 
day, May 8th, 1782, it was unanimously resolved, That the 
three following Addresses be signed by our Captain, and pre- 
sented, one to Henry Grattan, Esq. one to Peter Metge, 
Esq. and one to the Right Hon. John Foster, and that the same, 
with such answers as these distinguished patriots may be pleased 
to honor us with, be published three times in the Dublin Even- 
ing Post and Belfast News-Letter. 

To Henry Grattan, Esq. 


The Loughgall Volunteers have beheld with astonishment, 
the wondrous powers you have uniformly displayed, in asserting 
and vindicating the (too long) invaded rights of Ireland, and look 
up to you, as the unpensioned minister of the people, and the 

o 3 


political saviour of their country. Under this distinguished 
description, so highly flattering to a mind like yours, the rising 
generation will transmit to posterity your illustrious name, and 
infants, yet unborn, will learn, with their first speech, to lisp the 
name of GRATTAN. 

May you long live to enjoy the unequalled glory and satis- 
faction, resulting from the well-earned applause of a grateful 

JOHN BACK ALL, Captain, Loughgall Volunteers, 

Mr. Grattans Ansiver. 


I thank most sincerely the Loughgall Volunteers for their 
obliging address — your rights, 1 hope, will be speedily established, 
and carefully transmitted, and posterity will guard with affection, 
what you have acquired with such extraordinary exertions. The 
conduct of this country will not only have recovered freedom, but 
set before posterity an example to preserve it, and establish a 
standard of national character, from which your children will be 
ashamed to degenerate. 

I am, Gentlemen, with great respect, 

Your most humble, obedient Servant, 


18th May, 1782, 

At a Meeting of the Cavan Independent Volunteers, held the 8th 
of May, 1782, the following Address was unanimously agreed on. 

To Henry Gr cittern, Esq. 


Although we have not been foremost in paying that tri- 
bute, so justly due to your persevering virtue, and irresistible 
abilities, yet we equally feel that admiration and esteem, which 
must ever follow exalted talents, directed to glorious objects. 

We are well convinced, to a mind like yours, the reward arising 
from your own breast, is an ample recompense for every exertion 
in your country's cause ; yet we hope this public testimony of our 
approbation and respect, will not be unacceptable ; it is due to 
you, and is an indulgence to ourselves. Every generous mind 
must feel a secret satisfaction in admiring conduct like yours, it 
in some measure participates its glory. 

It is needless to enter into a recapitulation of grievances, so 
justly and so generally complained of ; they are many, and have 
been often repeated ; but we cannot help feeling ourselves strongly 
impressed with gratitude to our gracious sovereign, for his signal 
marks of paternal regard, in making choice of a set of men, so 
eminently calculated to rescue their country from that ruin and 
disgrace, brought on by the late administration, of infamous me- 




raory. We rejoice in its defeat, which we hope will be followed 
by a speedy reduction of their mercenary banditti, placemen and 
pensioners, those vermin of the constitution, who, we hope, will 
never again be taken either into pay or confidence ; they are the 
most fatal enemies any nation has to fear ; enemies against whom 
its chief efforts ought to be directed : the truth of which obser- 
vations will, we hope, be sufficiently evinced, by the different 
effects that will be produced by that line of conduct, there is every 
reason to expect, the present men in power will pursue. 

An honest parliament is all sufficient for every purpose of re- 
dress ; the corruption of that body has made the chief breach, 
through which the betrayers of their country, could admit the 
murderers of liberty : and can there be too much vigilance in 
guarding so important a pass, or too much deliberation in suggest- 
ing measures for its safety ? It is a subject of the most interesting 
nature, on which depends the permanent security of those very 
rights we are now contending for. We must look up to those sa- 
viours of their country, the unrivalled volunteers, to put the finish- 
ing hand to their eminent services, by laying aside that pernicious 
m stem of county politics, where friendship and gratitude are made 
the stalking-horses to ill-judged ambition or avarice ; and vote only 
for Irishmen, as on an impartial investigation, will be found to be 
most confided in. Let us reject, with becoming contempt, the fri- 
volous atention of insignificant candidates, and reverting to the old 
principles of our glorious constitution, look out for that man whom 
virtuous modesty may conceal, always remembering that the most 
forward to solicit, will be ever the most forward to betray. 

Mr. G rat tans Answer. 


I admire the indignation you express against the arts of 
corruption, and I approve, exceedingly, of those constitutional 
principles, by which you propose to secure the independency of 

The grievances, which it is now unnecessary to recapitulate, 
will, I hope, speedily, and radically, be removed, and in that 
redress, as well as in the disposition of government, all pretence 
for undue influence, I make no doubt will cease : in expectation of 
such a period. 

I am, with great respect, 

Your most humble and obedient Servant, 


8th May, 1782. 

To Henry Grattan, Esq. 


We should think ourselves unworthy the name of freemen, 
and the benefits resulting from a free constitution, were we to allow 
your conduct, as a senator, to pass — without that tribute of praise 
it so justly claims. 

o 4 



Great talents are the gifts of Heaven, dispensed to men to serve 
valuable purposes ; we consider the application you have made of 
your abilities in the senate, as a singular blessing to this nation ; 
you have raised the people into consequence ; permit them, there- 
fore, Sir, by a public acknowledgment of your merit, gratefully to 
reflect back upon you, the dignity you have conferred upon them. 


Mr. Grattan s Anstver. 


The consequence of the nation is the consequence of every 
individual that composes it, and, as one, I feel myself in common 
with the rest of my fellow-subjects, exalted by the glorious efforts 
of Ireland. — The particular. praise which you are pleased to bestow, 
is your generosity ; — I shall endeavour to act up to that character 
you honor me with, in your most liberal and acceptable address : 
— Whatever talents I possess, I shall apply in your service, and 
shall consider my own dignity depends on the dignity of the nation. 

I am, with great regard, 

Your humble Servant, 


Dublin, 10th May, 1782. 

May 10th, 1782. 

At a general Meeting of the Royal Tralee Volunteers, held this day. 
Colonel Sir BARRY DENNY, Bart, in the chair. 

Resolved unanimously, That Colonel Henry Grattan be ad- 
mitted a member of this corps. 

That the following Address be presented to Colonel Henry 
Grattan by the secretary ; which address, with Colonel Grat- 
tan's answer, are ordered to be printed in the Dublin, Cork, and 
Kerry Newspapers. 

That the warmest thanks of this corps, be returned to Colonel 
Sir Barry Denny, Bart, and Major Gun, delegates from this 
corps, to the provincial meeting at Mallow, for their patriotic and 
public spirited conduct there, as well as for their constant and un- 
wearied attention to the welfare and interest of this corps. 

Resolved unanimously, That the thanks of this corps, be pre- 
sented to James William Graves, Esq. our secretary, for his 
constant attention, and the many services he has rendered this 

To Colonel Henri/ Grattan. 


W t ith the greatest sense of gratitude, we request you will 
accept of our warmest acknowledgments, for your virtuous and 
persevering conduct in parliament, to restore and secure the con- 
stitutional rights of Ireland ; and we doubt not, by your future 
exertions, you will accomplish the noble work you have so happily 
begun. 10 




In testimony of our approbation of your conduct, we pride our- 
selves on enrolling the name of Grattan in our corps. 

BARRY DENNY, Chairman. 

Mr. Grattan s Answer. 


I am deeply sensible of your expressions in my favor; 
I rejoice to see our constitutional rights restored, and I make no 
doubt they will be preserved. I return you my thanks, for ap- 
pointing me a member of your corps, and am, 

With great respect, 
Y'our most humble and obedient Servant, 



At ■ Meeting of the county of Monaghan First Battalion, on the 
12th day of May, 1782, the following Address was unanimously 
agreed to, and ordered to be transmitted to our worthy Colonel, 
John Montgomery, Esq., to be by him presented 

To Henry Grattan, Esq. 


A great revolution has taken place in the affairs of Ireland 
— from a state of slavery she becomes free — from a situation 
scarcely known, she becomes respectable and great. To your 
abilities and exalted virtues, she stands most peculiarly indebted 
for such invaluable blessings. The tribute of thanks from every 
honest Irishman, is certainly your due. Receive it, Sir, from a 
body of men who would sacrifice their lives in defence of the reso- 
lutions you introduced into the House of Commons, on the 16th 
of April, and to the support of which, every individual in the 
nation is now so solemnly pledged. 

May you long live to enjoy that heartfelt satisfaction, a con- 
scious integrity must ever insure. A satisfaction only to be height- 
ened by the success we are confident is at hand, to crown such 
manly and unwearied exertions as you have lately held forth, to 
the astonishment of an admiring people, and to the unspeakable 
advantage of millions yet unborn. 


Mr. G rattan's Answer. 


1 was convinced of your determination to support your 
liberties with your lives. I am happy now in finding, that liberty 
is the reward of men who so eminently deserve to be free. Your 
firmness and your temper, together with the justice of our cause. 



and a favorable disposition in a sister country, have succeeded 
to establish our emancipation, and perpetuate our connexion with 
Great Britain. Both objects are of the last consequence to both 
nations. In contending for Irish Liberty ', you contend for England. 
I am, Gentlemen, with the greatest respect, 

Your most humble Servant, 


Dublin, 4th June, 1782. 


At a Meeting of the united Corps of Trim and Ratoath Volunteers, 
the 12th of May, 1782. 

Captain FINLAY in the Chair. 

The following Resolutions were unanimously agreed to. 

Resolved, That the thanks of this Corps be given to Colonel 
Henry Grattan, for his manly exertions and spirited perseve- 
rance in support of the rights of Ireland, and particularly for the 
amendment moved by him to the Address of the Commons, on the 
1 6th of April last. 

Resolved, That Colonel Grattan be admitted an honorary 
member of this Corps. 

Resolved, That a copy of these Resolutions be transmitted to 
the Right Hon. the Earl of Mornington, our Colonel, and that he 
be requested to present them to Colonel Grattan. 

Signed by order, 


To Henry Grattan^ Esq, 

My DEAR SlR, Dangan Castle, I2fh May, 1782. 

At the desire of the Volunteer Corps which I command, 
I transmit to you their unanimous resolutions, expressive of their 
concurrence in that general gratitude and admiration, which now 
gathers so thickly round you from every part of the nation. The 
testimony of any individual corps in your favor, is at this time 
rather a proof of their own spirit and judgment, than any addition 
to your honors. I am proud that these Gentlemen, with whom I 
am particularly connected, have publicly expressed so true a sense 
of your character ; and I rejoice, that by employing me to com- 
municate their sentiments to you, they have given me an oppor- 
tunity of congratulating you on those grateful and just distinctions, 




which at this moment you are receiving from the people of Ireland; 
whose voice is now raised as loudly to applaud your merits, as it 
was before to assert their own rights. 
Believe me, my dear Sir, with the truest esteem and admiration, 
Your most faithful and humble Servant, 


(afterwards Lord Wellesley.) 

Mr. Grattan's Answer, 


I thank you for your resolution in my favor, 1 thank you 
for admitting me an honorary member of your Corps, and I thank 
you for your Colonel, whose early abilities and glowing integrity, 
will help to adorn and perpetuate that constitution they have con- 
tributed to restore. 

I am, Gentlemen, 

Your most obedient, humble Servant, 


At a General Meeting of the Volunteers of the County of the Town 
of Galway, held on Monday the 12th of May, 1782, the follow- 
ing Address* was unanimously agreed to, and that Mr. Geoghegan 
be requested to present the same. 

To Henry Grattan, Esq. 


When we reflect upon the manly and dignified perseve- 
rance, with which you have vindicated the rights of your country. 
When we contemplate the splendour of those abilities which, 
aided by the voice of the nation, have awed corruption into silence, 
and borne down all opposition to a parliamentary declaration of 
our liberties, we find language inadequate to the expression of our 
feelings. Formed with those great qualities which command the 
confidence and the admiration of mankind, you seem to have been 
sent by providence to rouse the native, though long dormant spirit 
of the Irish nation, and give freedom to unborn generations. 

You are now, Sir, arrived at the highest pinnacle of human 
exaltation, that the ambition of an elevated mind can aspire to — 
a place which kings can neither give nor take away — you are 
seated in the hearts of your grateful and admiring countrymen, 
and from a private subject in an oppressed land, are become the 
first citizen of a free people. 

Signed by order, 

J. KERGAN, Sec. 



Resolved, That we conceive the people of this kingdom, ought 
to erect a statue to Mr. Grattan, as a record of his great and dis- 
tinguished public services ; and that we will contribute our pro- 
portion, in concurrence with the rest of our Volunteer brethren, 
and fellow citizens, to carry this and any other measure into exe- 
cution, that shall be a national monument of the transactions of 
the present era. 

Signed by order, 

J. KERGAN, Sec. 

Mr, Grattan s Answer. 


I have received from the hands of Mr. Geoghegan, your 
most acceptable address ; to the exalted strain of thought and 
diction, which, with a very peculiar felicity, attends the public 
productions of your county*, I can make no adequate answer, ex- 
cept an assurance of the most unfeigned gratitude. 

As to that resolution which proposes erecting a statue to me, 
I can give no further answer, than to repeat my ardent wish, 
that the stream of public favor may be directed to the nation at 
large, rather than to any individual ; and, that, as the people of 
Ireland have been the great means of her delivery, so should they 
be the object of her thanksgiving. 

I am, with great respect and thanks, 

Your most humble and obedient Servant, 


20th May, 1782. 


At a Meeting of delegates from the Volunteer Corps which com- 
pose the Ormond Union, the 13th of May, 1782. 

Captain RALPH SMITH in the Chair. 

The following Resolutions were unanimously agreed to, and 
ordered to be printed in the Dublin Evening Post and Clonmel 

Resolved, That the Parliament of this kingdom, having unani- 
mously concurred with the voice of the whole people, in their just 
demands for a free constitution of government, we consider our- 
selves as standing unalterably pledged in the national confederacy, 

* This was an allusion to his friend, Mr. Denis Daly, member for that county. 




to support with our lives and fortunes, every article of those re- 
quisitions, which we thankfully acknowledge our Parliament to 
have made, conformably to our most earnest desires. 

Resolved, That those patriotic senators who have steadily 
asserted the constitutional rights of Ireland, and brought forward 
her claims to this decisive issue, most highly merit from all her 
sons, their lasting veneration and gratitude ; and we trust, that 
their public virtue will be crowned with that success which must 
hand down their names to posterity, under that noblest of all titles, 
The deliverers of their country. 

Resolved, That Henry Grattan, Esq. as eminently dis- 
tinguished among that band of worthies, by his unremitted ex- 
ertions for the emancipation of his country, and having stood 
conspicuously foremost in that glorious cause, on the memorable 
16th of April last, in the House of Commons, is in a peculiar 
degree entitled to the confidence and acknowledgments of a brave 
and generous people, and that we do hereby return him the par- 
ticular thanks of our corps. 

Resolved, That having been represented in the general meeting 
of the county of Tipperary Delegates, held at Clonmel during the 
last assizes, and having heartily concurred in their resolutions, our 
thanks are hereby given to Henry Prittie, Esq. our worthy 
Colonel, as well for the part he took, as our delegate on that occa- 
sion, as for his constant attention to the improvement of our corps 
— and we take this opportunity to declare, that it is with singular 
satisfaction we coincide with that meeting, in the distinguished 
testimony they have borne to the tried integrity of his conduct in 

Resolved, That Captain Charles Bury, now in Dublin, be re- 
quested to wait on Mr. Grattan, with a copy of these resolutions. 

RALPH SMITH, Chairman. 


To Henry Grattan, Esq. 
SlR, 14th May, 1782. 

From a retrospective view of your conduct, since you took a 
seat in Parliament, we have found it marked by justice, liberality, 
and unerring wisdom. And even where ideas were blazoned with 
the appearance of popularity, your judgment has discovered the 
lure — your resolution resisted its operation, and your integrity 
shielded you from obliquy, while we trusted implicitly in those 
virtues, which we were sure were employed in our preservation. 

Happy must be the situation, where the superiority of the un- 
derstanding, and the integrity of the heart mutually assist each 

The upright senator, who resolutely resists every criminal inno- 
vation, is doubtless a great character. But when he adds to this 



stability, the noble animation, the restless virtue of procuring to a 
free trade, a pure and independent constitution ; he signalizes his 
country, and raises it to that dignity, which a fertile and indus- 
trious nation should bear, supported as it now is, by the virtue and 
valour you have inspired in the sons of freedom. 

In forming a society, which we hope will be as permanent as 
your virtues, we could not for an instant be at a loss for a patron in 
our own minds. We were unanimous in our choice of Mr. Grat- 
tan, and general acclamation confirmed the idea ; we therefore 
apply to you, Sir, for permission to use the name of " The Grat- 
tan Society of the City of Dublin," to give it that veneration, 
which every man must desire to any society of which he is a 

Signed by order, 


Mr. Grattans Answer.' 


I am much flattered by your approbation, and your pro- 
posal. Societies formed like yours, on the base of public principle, 
are of great utility, they preserve and cultivate public virtue. If 
my name can be of any service to such a society, you are most 
heartily welcome to it, and I hold it no small honor, that your prin- 
ciples and my name should go together. 

I am, Gentlemen, 

Your most humble Servant, 


14th May, 1782. 

At a Meeting of the Aughrim Volunteer Corps of the City of 
Cork, commanded by Colonel Richard Longfield, held on the 
15th of May, 1782. 

Captain JAMESON in the Chair. 

It was unanimously resolved, That the following Address be 
presented by Colonel Longfield, to Colonel Henry Grattan, 
and that said Address, with the answer, be published in the Dublin 
Evening Post, and Cork Newspapers. 


As we esteem you a truly virtuous patriot, earnest and able 
to serve your long neglected country ; — as we admire and applaud 
your great and noble declaration of rights, which we hope will be 
happily crowned with success. We should think ourselves wanting, 
if we did not join our voice with the virtuous part of the kingdom, 
in returning you our sincere thanks, and enrolling you an honorary 
member of our corps. 


Captain, Aughrim Volunteers. 




Mr. Grattan s Answer. 


It gives me very singular satisfaction, that your hopes are 
cro'.vned with success, and that your virtues and wishes are re- 
warded ; I thank you sincerely, for admitting me an honorary 
member of your corps, as well as for the sense you express of my 

I am, with every acknowledgement and thanks, 
Your most humble, obedient Servant, 




I am directed to transmit to you a copy of our Resolutions. 
Thev are the genuine sentiments of gratitude, and love of our 
country, and it gives me a particular pleasure to convey them to 
you, for, as a friend to Ireland, I respect and admire a true patriot. 

There is nothing indelicate in offering praise, when more is to 
be understood, than can be expressed: therefore I beg leave to 
assure you that you possess entirely the admiration and regards of 
this corps and of 

Your obedient Servant, 


Loughrea, 15th May, 1782. 

At a full Meeting of the Roxburrow Volunteers held at Kil- 
chreest, on Tuesday the 14-th of May, 1782. 

The following resolutions were unanimously agreed on, and or- 
dered to be transmitted by the Rev. Robert Marsh, Secretary to 
the Corps, to Henry Grattan, Esq. 

Resolved, That at this memorable era, when Ireland begins to 
claim a rank in the list of nations, it is highly proper to mark with 
emphatical honor, the names of our great constitutional reformers. 

We feel a pleasure, which we cannot express, in paying this 
duty of gratitude, and approbation, to a man, in whom the united 
virtues of Volunteer and senator, have formed the model of a per- 
fect character. 

Resolved, That the name of Henry Grattan deserves to be 
transmitted to future ages, in the records of every Corps of Volun- 
teers in Ireland. 

Resolved, That Henry Grattan, Esq. be elected an honorary 
member of this Corps, in testimony of our high approbation of his 
public character and conduct ; a tribute inadequate, indeed, to the 
esteem of his affectionate countrymen, but we trust, an acceptable 
offering to the ambitious of true honor. 

Resolved, That these resolutions, with Mr. Grattan's answer, 
be published in the Freeman's Journal, Dublin Evening Post, and 
Galway Paper. 

Signed by order, 




Mr. Grattaris Ansxver. 


I have received your Resolutions so flattering to me, and 
return you my most hearty thanks for admitting me an honorary 
member of your corps, and for assigning such reasons as make the 
admission an additional compliment. 

I write this testimony of my thanks, with the particular satisfac- 
tion of finding the great objects of our address happily accom- 

I am, Gentlemen, with great respect, 

Your most humble Servant, 



At a numerous Meeting of the Finglass Volunteers. 

COLONEL SEGRAVE, in the Chair. 

Resolved unanimously, That the following Address be pre- 

To Colonel Henry Graitan. 


Though our weak suffrages can add but little weight to 
the applause of thousands, and the united acclamations of a whole 
people, which you have so deservedly received, yet we should 
deem ourselves deficient in point of gratitude, were we not to em- 
brace this opportunity of expressing our regard for so exalted a 
character. As we are men, we cannot but revere that uprightness 
of conduct, that uncorrupted honesty, which you have ever dis- 
played, in support of our natural rights. As citizens, we most 
heartily approve of that patriotic zeal, that honest indignation 
with which you seem inspired when asserting the constitutional 
claims of this country. But as Volunteers, as men determined to 
be free, we cannot help applauding in the warmest terms, that 
firmness and intrepidity of mind, which has at last enabled you, 
assisted by those other great names, that have ever proved faith- 
ful to their trust, to baffle the machinations of court influence, to 
cause the voice of the people to reach the throne, and give us the 
happy prospect of having our liberties established upon the most 
extensive and permanent foundation. Animated by these senti- 
ments we think it almost superfluous to add, that until this great 
end be obtained, we will endeavour by every means in our power, 
to support your spirited exertions, to emancipate this long op- 
pressed and much injured country. 

As we have taken the liberty of enrolling you, as an honorary 
member of our corps, we beg you will accept of this admission, as 
a small indication of the very great esteem in which you are held 
amongst us. 


Cabra, 15th May, 1782. 




The foregoing Address having been presented, Colonel Grattan 
returned the following answer. 


I am happy to be enrolled one of your corps, and am 
equally sensible of the liberality with which you applaud, and fehe 
spirit with which you engage, to support patriotic efforts. 

The emancipation of this long injured country, I hope is at 
hand ; when the day shall arrive, you will have to thank yourselves 
for the spirited perseverance and firmness with which you have 
assisted yourselves and your country. 

I am, with great respect, 

Your most humble and obedient Servant, 


18th May, 1782. 

The Address of the Corps of KILKENNY INDEPENDENTS. 
Lieut. Colonel BUSHE in the Chair. 

To Henry G rattan, Esq. 


To your splendid talents, to your ardent spirit, and to your 
steady virtue, we chiefly attribute the emancipation of Ireland. 
Accept, therefore, the only reward which your- disinterestedness 
has not disclaimed — the applause, the veneration of your country- 

A nation conversant in the use of arms, united in the cause of 
freedom, and conducted by consummate ability, cannot fail to vin- 
dicate its rights, and to transmit them to posterity. How dear, 
then, to his fellow-subjects, how venerable to all future ages, 
must be that man, who has impressed his own character upon his 
countrymen, who has animated their virtues by his example, and 
who has combined their efforts by his counsels. 

Signed by order, 


15th May, 1782. 


At a general Meeting of the Bar, holden on Thursday the 16th 
of May, 1782, and convened by Joshua Davis, Esq. Father of 
the Bar, pursuant to notice, for the purpose of taking into con- 
sideration the plan of erecting a Statue to Henry Grattan, 
Esq., or conferring upon him such other honourable mark of 
their regard, as to them should seem proper. 

The following Letter, received by the Chairman, from Henry 
Grattan, Esq. was produced and read. 




To Joshua Davis, Esq. 
DEAR SlR, Wednesday, 15th May, 1782. 

As the gentlemen of the bar are summoned by the very gene- 
rous spirit which distinguishes our profession, and are to meet to- 
morrow, to consider in what manner they shall manifest in my favour, 
their own liberality and excess of kindness: permit me to submit 
to you, as our father, a very few words — a statue is an honour 
reserved for the dead, for those too who have died for their coun- 
try ; there are many other reasons which must occur to your good 
sense and extensive learning, pointing out a variety of objections 
to that species of public honour. I wish rather to suggest those 
objections, than to explain them, lest 1 should appear guilty either 
of affected modesty, or incorrigible presumption. 

The gentlemen of the bar clubs have left it open for their 
consideration, to adopt some method, other than that of a statue, 
by which to heap new favours upon me. It will not, therefore, be 
any impropriety in me, if I submit how much more worthy it 
would be of the occasion, and of the learned and respectable body 
assembled, to erect some national, instead of any personal, monu- 
ment. Something in honour of the nation, not of the individual. 
Something to immortalize the era, not the man. In the late trans- 
actions, virtue had diffused itself through the whole kingdom ; let 
the kingdom, therefore, commemorate itself, and let individuals be 
only remembered in her. I cannot forget that the very gentle- 
men who distinguish me, have distinguished themselves in the public 
cause with equal ardour, and having greatly contributed to the 
delivery of their country. I cannot forget also that the resolutions 
of the Lawyers' Corps, have propagated the fire of liberty, tem- 
pered and sanctified by the authority of law. I wish to participate 
with such men. I will never be distinct from them. They who 
deserve least of their country, must not presume to select a dis- 
tinct and exclusive situation, they must stand upon the broad base 
of public equality— soaring above their fellow-subjects they fall. 
I am, dear Sir, with great respect, 

Your most humble obedient Servant, 

Resolved unanimously, That a committee of fifteen be ap- 
pointed, to receive from artists, designs of a monument, to per- 
petuate the vindication of the rights of Ireland, and to express the 
public gratitude to that illustrious assertor of our rights and con- 
stitution, Henry Grattan. 

Resolved unanimously, That the following gentlemen be ap- 
pointed of the said committee. 

Mr. Yelverton, Mr. Emmet, 

Mr. Kelly, Mr. Duquerry, 

Mr. Metge, Mr. Prime Serjeant, 

Mr. O'Neill, Mr. Trant, 

Mr. Burgh, Mr. Doyle, 

Mr. Walshe, > Mr. Lindsay, 

Mr. Geoghegarij Mr. Caldbeck, 

Mr. F. Dobbs, 



The committee appointed at a bar meeting, holden on Thurs- 
day the 16th of May, 1782, for the purpose of receiving designs of 
a monument, to perpetuate the vindication of the rights of Ireland, 
and to express the public gratitude to that illustrious assertor of 
our laws and constitution, Henry Grattan, Esq., do hereby 
give notice that they are ready to receive designs from artists, 
for the above purpose; and for the direction of artists, the com- 
mittee think it necessary to declare, that in pursuance of the 
unanimous sense of the general meeting, that no portrait or 
resemblance of any living person, except Mr. Grattan, is to 
form part of such designs. Letters containing such designs, to b# 
directed to the chairman of this committee, before the 1st of 
November next. 



\ t a Meeting of the First Independent County of Down Regiment, 
held in Newtown Ards. 

Colonel STEWART (Father of Lord Castlereagh) in the Chair. 

Resolved unanimously, That Colonel Grattan be elected an 
honorary member of this Regiment. 

Resolved unanimously, That the following Address be signed 
and forwarded to Colonel G rattan, by our Colonel. 


When we look back on our former supiness and disgraceful 
acquiescence, under the usurpation of an external legislature, and 
reflect on that national weakness and public danger, which first 
necessitated our having recourse to arms, we cannot but exult in 
the sudden dignity and importance to which we now see our coun- 
try rising by its own virtuous efforts ; and the impulse is not less 
irresistible, to bestow applause on those who have greatly led the 
way in this glorious career. 

Accept, therefore, the acknowledgments of the First Indepen- 
dent County of Down Regiment, which solicits the honour of en- 
rolling the illustrious name of Grattan among their body, in 
testimony of their gratitude and veneration for a character, who 
has, with unremitting zeal, so successfully explained the rights of 
Ireland, and infused among the people a love of liberty. Aided, 
Sir, by your wisdom and abilities, your fellow-citizens have been 
brought to think and judge for themselves, to understand that the 
public weal is the concern of every one, and that national pros- 
perity and happiness depend ultimately upon constitutional free- 
dom. The spirit, the enthusiasm of your mind, has caught hold 
of your countrymen, and from your example they have learnt, not 
only how to speak but how to act. United in opinion, decided in 
their demands, they look forward with confidence, to that period 
p 2 



when every subject of contest with England shall be done away, 
and such a constitution established for this country as will, we 
trust, become, no less than yourself, the admiration of future ages. 

By order, 
R. STEWART, Colonel. 

May 18th, 1782. 

Mr. Grattans Answer. 


I have seen, with much inward satisfaction, a new mind esta- 
blish itself in Ireland, and bring along with it an entire revolution 
of public sentiment — to that change of disposition must be attri- 
buted the change of condition. We have learned to think like 
freemen, and, exercising the privilege of reason, we have obtained 
the privilege of subjects. — The public eye presides over public 
deliberation, and the greatest of the community become respon- 
sible to an investigating people. 

I concur with you in wishing most ardently to remove from the 
two nations every subject of dispute — conceiving that harmony 
is never really in danger, except tvhen the claims of one country 
are irreconcileable to the liberties of the other — in this opinion we 
have been united and decided, and in this opinion we will prevail. 

I return you thanks for admitting me one of your regiment, and 
am, with great respect and esteem for you, and for the decided in- 
tegrity of our worthy Colonel who transmits your address. 

Your most obedient, humble Servant, 


At a Meeting of the Londonderry Fusileers, in the City Hall, the 
21st day of May, 1782. 
Lieutenant ALEXANDER SCOTT in the Chair. 
The following Address to Colonel Henry Grattan, was un- 
animously agreed to. 


Whilst the public voice so universally acknowledges those 
benefits, which your political conduct and steady virtue have de- 
rived upon this country, it would argue a want of gratitude not to 
join the general acclaims. 

And yet, should we attempt to pay you that tribute of praise so 
justly due to your exalted character, we could only, by emblazon- 
ing your virtues, or enumerating the glorious fruits of them to this 
kingdom, furnish a picture already drawn by abler pens. 

Permit us, then, to say we are proud to unite our applause to 
that of the rest of this grateful nation, and to offer you the candid 
and affectionate effusion of hearts, zealous for your welfare, and 
replete with the truest sense of your integrity and worth. 


Lieutenant of the Fusileers. 

50th May, 178?. 





Mr. Grattan s Answer. 


I receive with many thanks those candid effusions of kind- 
ness and generosity which you bestow upon me, and shall endea- 
vour to preserve the opinion your goodness entertains of me : with 
the sincerest thanks for your most affectionate address, 

I am, your most humble, obedient Servant, 


At a Meeting of the County of Longford Troop of Light Horse, 
at Longford, the 22d instant. 

The Right Hon. the EARL of GRANARD, in the Chair. 

It was unanimously resolved, to present the following Address. 

To Henry Grattany Esq. 


We request you will not attribute our silence to any want 
of a just sense and admiration of your exalted character ; we have 
beheld with pleasure your manly, able, and unremitting endeavours 
to obtain a redress of those grievances we have so long laboured 
under, and which there is now every reason to hope, will be 
speedily effected, to the utmost wish of the people of Ireland. 

Accept, therefore, Sir, the unfeigned and most heartfelt thanks 
of this troop, and may you long live to be a blessing, as well as an 
ornament, to your country. 

Resolved, That the secretary of this troop, do wait upon 
Colonel Grattan with this Address, and that the same, with 
Mr. Grattan's answer, be inserted in the Dublin Evening Post. 

Signed by order, 

E/WEST, Secretary. 

2 2d May, 1782. 


At a full Meeting of the Castletown Union, (County of Kildare) on 
Parade, at Castletown, on the 26th day of May, 1782. 

The Right Hon. THOMAS CONOLLY, Captain-Commandant, 
in the Chair. 

Resolved unanimously, That a committee of thirteen be ap- 
pointed, to draw up an Address to that great ornament of this 
country, Colonel Henry Grattan, expressive of the high esteem 
in which we hold him, as the able assertor of the rights of Ireland. 

A committee being accordingly appointed, retired : and after 
some time returned, and reported that they had drawn up the, 
following Address. 

p 5 




To Colonel Henry Grattan. 


The unanimous declaration of the rights of Ireland, is due 
to your public spirit, firmness, and eloquence : your perspicuity 
has been so great, as to hit the very moment of time, when the 
principles of his Majesty's Ministers were such, as to make them 
happy to restore to the loyalty of Ireland, what their predecessors 
would never have yielded but to her arms. 

May you, Sir, long continue to enjoy the confidence of this 
kingdom, which your eminent virtue, wisdom, and disinterested 
conduct so justly entitle you to ; and may the principles of the 
revolution, for ever direct the counsels of Great Britain. 

Our mite of praise could make but a small impression on your 
mind, if we could not, from your frequent residence in our neigh- 
bourhood, answer as well for your private, as the whole kingdom 
can for your public character ; and you are the person to whom we 
can now give our full and hearty cheer of applause, without allay, 
as the emancipator of your country. 

Resolved, unanimously, That the foregoing Address do stand as 
the Address of this" corps, to Colonel Grattan. 

Resolved unanimously, That our worthy Chairman, the Right 
Hon. Thomas Conolly, Major Hugh Carncross, and Ensign Bur- 
ton Tandy, do wait on Colonel Grattan, with the foregoing 
Address, as the Address of this corps, and that the same, together 
with Colonel Grattan's answer, be inserted in the Dublic Even- 
ing Post and Dublin Journal. 

Resolved unanimously, That Colonel Henry Grattan be, and 
he is hereby elected an honorary member of this corps. 

Mr. Conolly having left the chair, and Captain Andrew Mills 
having been elected thereto. 

Resolved unanimously, That the thanks of this corps be given 
to the Right Hon. Thomas Conolly, our Captain-Commandant, 
for his polite attention to the honour and dignity of this corps, 
at all times, but more particularly for his upright conduct this day 
in the chair. 

Resolved unanimously, That we do, with the most heart-felt 
pleasure, return our sincere thanks to Major Hugh Carncross, for 
the unremitting pains he hath taken in the discipline of this corps. 

Signed by order, 


To which Address Colonel Grattan was pleased to return the 
following answer. 


Your resolution and your Address are so replete with marks 
«f distinction in my favour, that I own myself sensibly affected 
by every period which they contain. 

The warm effusion of your generous praise, I feel as a subject 
of present acknowledgment, and shall make a lasting principle of 
my future actions. 

Or 1R£LA>'D. 


The principles of his Majesty's present ministers respect the 
love of liberty and rights of mankind. We have reason to rejoice 
that the same principles which have led to freedom at home, 
should also lead to glory abroad, and that the same period should 
be immortalized by the restoration of both. Honoured most par- 
ticularly by your Address, honoured by being appointed one of 
your body, 

I am, Gentlemen, with the strictest respect, 

Your most humble obedient Servant, 


5th June, 1782. 


Commanded by the Right Honourable John Ponsonby. 
At a full Meeting of the Iverk Volunteers, at Besborough, on 
the 26th May 1782. 
Major OSBORNE in the chair. 
Resolved, That the following Address be forwarded by our 
Secretary to Lieutenant Colonel Cox, now in Dublin, who is 
requested to wait upon that ornament of his country, Colonel 
Grattan, and to present it to him in the name of this corps. 

To Henry Grattan^ Esq. 


We, the Iverk Volunteers, having this day assembled to 
testify our joy with the usual military rejoicings, on receiving an 
account of the wise and liberal conduct of the British Parliament, 
respecting the just claims of Ireland, and the news of the recent 
successes of his Majesty's arms in both the Indies, think this a 
proper opportunity to join with our countrymen, in offering to 
you, the able and effectual advocate of our rights, our most sincere 
thanks. The successful exertions you have made, deserve, and 
have obtained the gratitude and applause of this brave and eman- 
cipated nation. 

The liberty of an ancient and loyal kingdom asserted, her 
privileges vindicated, her free constitution recovered, and her 
commerce restored (after a suspension of them for successive ages) 
without a contest or convulsion, is a revolution which the annals 
of no other country can record. This great event, as singular in 
its nature as it must prove beneficient in its effects, we have seen 
happily accomplished by the spirit, zeal, and perseverance, which 
your example, and your eloquence, have diffused through all the 
classes of the people. 

The occasion is new and important, and we find ourselves at a 
loss for expressions of thanks adequate to our feelings. We want 
words equal to your praise. We cannot find them in the common 
forms of language. But you enjoy what is infinitely more desirable 
than any praise which even the most chosen terms could convey ; 
you enjoy the approbation of vour own heart. 

p 4 



To the gracious intentions of our Sovereign ; to the wise and 
liberal conduct of the present popular and patriotic administration 
in England, as well as to the kind dispositions of his Grace the 
Duke of Portland, concerning the constitutional rights of this 
country, and to the united efforts of the many respectable cha- 
racters who assisted your endeavours in Parliament, we shall be 
always ready with all our countrymen, to yield the most grateful 
and sincere acknowledgments. 

As a corps of independent Volunteers, we have one favour to 
ask, and we are persuaded we shall not ask in vain. We request 
your permission to have the honour of enrolling you a member of 
the Iverk Volunteers. When, with your consent, we shall dignify 
our roll with your name, we shall consider ourselves not as con- 
ferring, but as receiving an obligation. 

Signed by Order, 


Mr. Grattans Ansxver. 


To be enrolled as a member of your body is a favour con- 
ferred upon me. As such I accept it with much ardour and 
many thanks. 

I feel with you great satisfaction at the events which have taken 
place, or are near at hand. 

Your own uniformity and spirit have greatly contributed to 
them. You are now to receive the reward of your virtuous 

I am, Gentlemen, with great respect, 

Your obedient humble Servant, 


28th May, 1782. 

Right Honourable LUKE GARDINER in the chair. 
Resolved unanimously, That it is the opinion of this Corps, 
that the redress of grievances promised in his Grace the Lord 
Lieutenant's speech, is a perfect and unconditional acquiescence 
in all the demands made by this country, and must be considered 
as giving full contentment and satisfaction to the people of Ireland ; 
and that those grievances being removed, no constitutional question 
between the two countries will exist to disturb the harmony of 

Resolved unanimously. That it is the opinion of this Corps, that 
the pre-eminent abilities and uniform integrity of our worthy 
countryman Henry Grattan, claim extraordinary distinction; 
and we anticipate the singular satisfaction which every Irishman 
must feel, at the legislature conferring on him a substantial mark of 
public favour, becoming the gratitude of a great nation, and 
worthy the acceptance of a great man*. 

* A grant of £ 50 ; 000. 

Appendix. ] 



Resolved unanimously, That the following Address be presented 
to Henry Grattan, Esq. 


Deeply interested in the fate of our country, we reflect 
with satisfaction, that from the first dawning of your magnani- 
mous efforts in favor of its Liberty, to this hour of universal 
felicitation, when every object of true patriotism is obtained we 
have entirely coincided in your sentiments. 

Ireland and you, Sir, stand in the page of history peculiar and 
unexampled. By the exertions of your superior nature she has 
recovered her freedom without shedding her blood. 

Tempering the fire of your exalted genius with the cool dis- 
cretion of a statesman, you critically improved the seasonable 
occasion of asserting the spirit of Ireland, when the prudence of 
Great Britain made it safe and honourable to yield to the dictates 
of justice. 

In the great question between the sister countries, it is difficult 
to determine to which you have been most decisively a friend, 
to have conducted the one with dignified temper, to have dis- 
pelled the old prejudices of the other, and to have connected both 
by ties of indissoluble affection, has elevated you on the pyramid 
of their united strength above the ordinary level of mankind. 


Mr. Grattan s Answer. 


If I were to consult my feelings on the subject of your 
Address, I should receive it with silent acknowledgemnt, sensible 
of your expressions and unable to answer. Declining therefore, 
that part of which I make the subject, I am to admire your firm- 
ness which would accept of nothing less than a free constitution, 
and having obtained that blessing, knows how to stop. With that 
spirit you have obtained and will keep (as you have deserved) 
Liberty. To enjoy it in common with you, as it is my first wish, so 
will it be my chief happiness. 

I am, Gentlemen, 
Your most humble and obedient Servant, 


At a Meeting of the Inhabitants and Volunteers in the neighbour- 
hood of Mulf, in the county of Londonderry, the 29th of May, 
to celebrate the triumph of Ireland on the resurrection of her 
rights, and the signal victory of Britain over the Gallic flag 
by the brave Rodney, the following Address was agreed to. 

To Henry Grattan, Esq. 


We are at a loss which most to admire, the honesty of your 
heart, your abilities as a senator, or your spirit as a man. By 
these united qualities, you have now fully restored to your country 



her long lost rights ; you have raised a temple of Irish Liberty for 
Irishmen to worship, in which all religions are united, and for the 
support of which they have dedicated their lives and fortunes. 
You early breathed into the people a spirit of liberty, you more 
than watched its growth from infancy to manhood, you gave it 
nourishment, and you gave it instruction, you found Ireland blind 
and you gave her sight, tveak and you made her strong, rent with 
divisions and you cemented her, enslaved and you made her free. 

Your virtue and moderation acquired you the confidence of 
cautious men, and pointed you out as the safest guide for the 
warm ; as you were above corruption on the one hand, on the 
other you were above ambition, with too much spirit for a bribe, 
and too much honesty to foment or rise by commotions of the 
state, you have not divided but cemented, not claimed for a party 
but for the nation, not for yourself but for a whole people. To 
them and to their claims you prescribed just and constitutional 
bounds, you inculcated a reverence for the laws, loyalty to the 
King, and an affectionate attachment to Britain, as far as she was 
willing to meet us in that affection. As you had warmed the 
Irish so have you warmed the English nation, the King, the 
British ministry, her parliament and her people warmed by your 
glow of liberty, and the virtue of the Irish nation, have made a full 
return to our affection, and we feel its effects ; the native spirit 
that was collected for the rights of Ireland, is now directed-to the 
most ardent desire to signalize itself for the support of Britain, 
may the empire be soon re-united in its former splendor, may 
America have many Grattans, may she throw off all unnatural 
connections, and like Ireland shake hands with the parent state, 
on principles equally free and constitutional. 

To you Sir, what is due for bringing about this great union of 
interest and affection between the two nations ? Though nothing 
can be more honourable than the marked distinction you received 
from your country; from your Sovereign, you deserve something 
more substantial, and nothing will be more to his own honor. As a 
representative of the people you have done every thing that can 
be done, as a minister we wish to see you unite the virtue of 
government with the virtue of the people. 

Forwarded with the greatest respect by 

SPENCER HUEY, Chairman. 

Mulf, near Londonderry, \ 
29th May, 1782. J 

At a general Meeting of the Liberty Volunteers, 29th May, 1782, 
Colonel Sir EDWARD NEWENHAM in the chair. 
Resolved unanimously, That the following Address be pre- 
sented to Henry Grattan, Esq. 

We the officers and privates of the Liberty Volunteers, 
most sincerely thank you for your uniform, steady, and at last 
successful exertions, in support of the rights and liberties of Ireland. 




Though repeatedly opposed by large majorities in Parliament, your 
manly perseverance has been crowned with success. While Ire- 
land is a nation, your name must stand recorded as the restorer 
of its freedom. May your life be long, that you may participate 
the happiness and blessings you have rendered your country ; and 
may succeeding ages remember your name with gratitude ! 

The conduct of our sister kingdom on the present occasion has, 
if possible, united us more firmly to them. Blest with equal 
freedom, and actuated with a reciprocal affection, we will share 
her fate. We always revered the antient constitution of the 
English nation, and could not but sympathize with our fellow 
subjects at the deep and repeated wounds given to it by the late 
administration. It was reserved to the present patriotic ministers 
to heal those wounds, and unite in the tenderest of ties two 
nations, whose interests ever must be the same. They never 
gave, nor could give, a stronger proof of inheriting the spirit of 
their great forefathers than by their late unanimous accession to 
our claims, as expressed in that memorable Address, moved by 
you, Sir, on the 16th of April last. On that motion depended 
Ireland's fate ! The patriotism and abilities of a Grattan pre- 
vailed, and the glorious emancipation of Ireland has been effected ! 

Signed by Order, 


Resolved, That the Colonel, and the rest of the officers do wait 
upon Mr. Grattan with the above Address, and that the same, 
together with Mr. Grattan's answer, be inserted in the public 

Mr. Grattan's Ansa:cr. 


I thank you, in the sincerity of my heart, for your public 
spirited Address. Your Corps always expressed decided opinions 
on public occasions : — your spirit and generosity have always 
been signalized upon every great question. I am happy to be an 
object of your approbation — and I will endeavour to keep that 
opinion which you so liberally entertain of me. 

I am, Gentlemen, with many thanks, 

Your most obedient Servant, 
30th May, 1782. HENRY GRATTAN. 

At a full Meeting of the Counagh Rangers, commanded by the 

Right Hon. the Lord Muskerry, on the 30th day of May, 1782, 

at Hospital, in the county of Limerick, 

Colonel PERCIVAL in the chair. 

The following Address was unanimously resolved on, and that 
the chairman should transmit it to our Colonel, Lord Muskerry, 
to be by him presented to Mr. Grattan, and that said Address 
and Mr. Grattan's answer be published in the Dublin and 
Limerick papers. 




To Colonel Henry Grattan. 


Praise is so often prostituted, that the language of pane- 
gyric is in some degree grown into disrepute. But, Sir, when 
that language is applied to you, it were impossible to suspect the 
sincerity of those who bestowed it upon a character, whose merit 
transcends all praise. 

To a mind like yours, after the great and arduous things you 
have accomplished, its own feelings must be its own reward. It is 
not, therefore, to compliment you, Sir, it is to gratify ourselves, 
that we beg leave to express the obligations under which you have 
laid us, in common with every Irishman, in a manner as public, as 
it is deeply rooted in our hearts. 

You have raised a fallen nation, you have restored a violated 
constitution, and you will also have the glory of uniting us to our 
sister kingdom, by the only cement by which the two nations can 
ever be hereafter united, reciprocal friendship, mutual confidence, 
common interests, and common liberty. 

When we say, Sir, that you have done this, we mean not to 
depreciate the merit of your worthy and able co-adjutors, their 
country owes them much, but integrity of intention, wisdom in 
council, and eloquence in debate, will not alone be found com- 
petent to reinstate an oppressed people, in their long lost rights. 
There is an holy zeal and secret ardour in the glorious cause he 
has embraced, which must mark the character of him who can rise 
into the favour of his country; these animate and invigorate'public 
virtue, they warm it into an active and efficient principle — in 
these, Sir, you stand unrivaled, and whilst we pay the tribute of 
gratitude so justly due to the other friends of Ireland, the first 
alter erected in the temple of Irish liberty must be dedicated 
to you. 

Resolved, That this Corps have the honour of enrolling Colonel 
Henry Grattan, as an honorary member of the Counagh 

Resolved, That the thanks of this meeting be given to our chair- 
man for his polite conduct in the chair. 

Signed by Order, 

JOHN LLOYD, Secretary to the C. R. 

Which Resolutions being presented by Lord Muskerry to Colonel 
Grattan, he gave the following answer. 


Let me thank you, by a constant attention to your interests, 
and by a uniform attachment to the public good, let me seek to 
justify those panegyrics, which a sanguine and generous nation, in 
the warmth of its feelings, is pleased to bestow. 

The emancipation of this country, and the new strength given 
to her connexion with Great Britain, are facts I acknowledge and 
rejoice at ; they were produced by the joint act of the nation ; 
with her I wish to partake the honour and enjoy the blessing. 




I thank you for admitting me an honorary member of your 
body, and assure you I feel most sensibly these marks of distinc- 
tion, and am, 

With the greatest respect, 

Your most humble and obedient Servant, 


At a Meeting of the Down Fuzileers, held at Dovvnpatrick, 
30th May, 1782- 
Captain TROTTER in the chair. 
Resolved, That having with admiration long contemplated the 
astonishing and hitherto unequalled abilities of Henry Grattan, 
Esq. which he hath so powerfully, and at length successfully, dis- 
played, in support of the rights and liberties of Ireland — we the 
officers and privates of the Down Fuzileers, do think ourselves in 
duty bound thus publicly to return him, and do request his 
acceptance of, our warmest and most sincere thanks, for his very 
splendid exertions in the cause of his country. 

Signed by Order, 

JOHN SPEER, Secretary. 

Mr. Grattan s Answer. 


I return you my most hearty thanks for your Resolution : 
— I accept most gratefully of your kind and generous Address, 
and request of you to accept of my sincere acknowledgments, 
am, with great respect, 

Your most humble obedient Servant, 


7th June, 1782. 


Newtownlimavady, 31st May, 1782. 
At a Meeting of the Third Ulster Regiment of Volunteers, com- 
manded by Lord Le Poer, on parade, the following Address 
to Henry Grattan, Esq. was unanimously agreed to. 

Whilst with unbounded joy we welcome the important 
news of the redress of our national grievances, and the eman- 
cipation of our country from the bold and long continued usurp- 
ations of a foreign legislature, it would be the basest ingratitude 
to forget the man by whose spirited, steady, and upright conduct, 
under the smiles of a propitious Providence, those inestimable 
blessings were, in a great measure, obtained. 

Permit us, therefore, Sir, with hearts deeply sensible of the 
obligations which we, and every individual in this now happy 
kingdom owe you, to offer to your acceptance the just tribute of 
our unfeigned, our warmest acknowledgments. 




That you may be long spared to be a blessing to this obliged 
nation — that, by a steady exertion of the eminent powers you 
possess, you may lay it under many renewed obligations ; that 
you may receive the rewards due to such signal merit, and that 
the gratitude of the nation, as well as the memory of your active 
and successful zeal, to promote its best interests, may be perpe- 
tuated to the latest posterity, is our sincere, our ardent wish. 

Signed by Order, 

JOHN GIVEN, Jun. Sec. 

Mr. Grattaris Answer. 


Accept my sincere thanks for your most flattering Address. 
I will not fail to persevere in the cause of this country. The 
success which has attended our measures, and the generous affec- 
tion of the kingdom, encourage and bind me to her for ever. 
With that fixed and unalterable sentiment, 
I am, with great respect, 

Your most humble obedient Servant, 



To Henri/ Grattan, Esq. 
SlR, County Cork, May, 1782. 

To say, that you have been the constant assertor of your 
country's rights ; that by the virtuous exertions of great abilities, 
you have been the redeemer of her liberty, and that the name of 
G rattan will not only be revered by the present, but trans- 
mitted to after ages with honor, acquired in the most noble cause, 
is but to echo the general voice of a whole nation. We can 
add nothing to your praise. Give us leave, however, to join 
in the thanks of a grateful people; and as a testimony of our 
regard, to enroll you an honorary member of the Cork Cavalry. 


At a Meeting of the First Iveagh Battalion of Volunteers, at 
Gilford, on Saturday, the 1st of June, 1782. 
Colonel Sir RICHARD JOHNSTON, Bart, in the chair. 
Resolved unanimously, That one delegate from each company 
of the battalion be appointed to attend the meeting of the Ulster 
Volunteers, at Dungannon, on Friday the 21st instant. 

Resolved unanimously, That the following Addresses be pre- 
sented to Henry Grattan and Peter Metge, Esqrs., and 
printed, with their answers, in the Dublin Evening Post, and Belfast 
News-Let ter. 

Appendix. ~± 



To Henru Grattan, Esq. 


This battalion early noticed your virtuous exertions in the 
service of your country, and thanked you for your endeavours. 
Your manly steadiness and noble perseverance in accomplishing 
the rights of Ireland, are now the objects of their gratitude. To 
vou the Irish nation is indebted for the respectable situation she 
holds among the nations of Europe. 

It must, therefore, give us heart-felt satisfaction to find, by a late 
vote of the House of Commons, that our Parliament, echoing the 
voice of the people, purposes to transmit to posterity, in a manner 
honourable to you and to them, the name and family of the digni- 
fied illustrious assertor of their laws and constitution. 

Mr. Grattan s Answer. 


I have before received your approbation, and am happy 
to receive it again. The repetition of thanks is an argument of 
mv uniformity, and an honourable proof of your generous sense of 
it. I hope the Irish nation will always stand high among .the 
nations of Europe. 

The honours heaped upon me by a generous nation, I will 
endeavour to transmit by uniformity, and by an unalterable attach- 
ment to that nation, to which, upon many considerations, I am 
bound for ever. 

I am, Gentlemen, with great respect, 

Your most obedient Servant, 




Your independent conduct in Parliament has been always 
particularly acceptable to us. Your abilities and integrity in the 
line of your profession, many of us have experienced, but the 
nation at large is obliged to you for the firm, able, and decided 
part you took on the arrangement of the sugar duties, and for 
vour declaration in the House of Commons, (which carried weight 
and conviction with it,) " That the people of Ireland are only 
represented by their delegates in the House of Commons, and that 
to deny that position, would be an abdication of that represent- 
ation." In short, Sir, we found you, upon every public question, 
the firm friend and the able advocate of the people. 

To see men of such characters and such principles, as Mr. 
Burgh, Mr. Yelverton, Mr. Forbes, and you, called to fill the first 
department of the law, must be at this period peculiarly pleasing 
to the nation. In testimony of our respect and attachment to you, 
we have this day enrolled you an honorary member of one of 
the oldest battalions in the province of Ulster. 



Mr. Metge's Answer. 


Had my endeavours, to deserve the praise of my country- 
men, kept pace with my inclinations, your very flattering appro- 
bation would have been less partially bestowed. I am gratified by 
the honourable manner in which you mention my parliamentary 
and professional conduct. At this period, and under an adminis- 
tration, whose principles are as new as they are virtuous, employ- 
ment in office is a post of honour ; but be my situation what it 
may, it shall ever be my study to discharge my duty to the public. 
I have the honour to be, 

With great respect, Gentlemen, 
Your most obliged, and faithful humble Servant, 



At a full Meeting of the Leap Independents, on the 2d of 
June, 1782. 
Colonel DARBY in the chair. 
The following Resolutions and Address were unanimously agreed to. 

Resolved unanimously, That an Address be presented to 
Henry Grattan, Esq. expressive of the opinion we entertain of 
his great abilities, and the services he has done his country. 

Resolved unanimously, That Henry Grattan, Esq. be, and 
is hereby elected an honorary member of this Corps, and that our 
worthy associates Henry Palmer, Verney Darby, and John Palmer, 
Esqrs. now in Dublin, be requested to wait on Henry Grattan, 
Esq. with these our resolutions, and the following Address : 

To Henry Grattan, Esq. 


The contest is at an end. The agitation of the public 
mind settled to content. Every cause of jealousy removed, and 
the tie of indissoluble affection, we hope, for ever fixed. The 
honour of the nation retrieved — her rights ascertained. In every 
stage of this great business, the wisdom, firmness, and mode- 
ration that have graced your conduct, have delighted an attentive, 
determined people. 

Accept the thanks of a Corps of Independent Volunteers — 
accept the voluntary tribute of their feelings. We have viewed 
your virtuous endeavours in Parliament with approving exult- 
ation — we participate your joy at their success. We have the 
sincerest satisfaction in thinking, that future ages will receive a 
character handed down to them, graced with every virtue that 
can adorn a man, whilst the present one looks up with admiration 
to Henry Grattan, the unplaced, unpensioned, deliverer of his 





Colonel Darby having left the chair, 

Resolved unanimously, That the thanks of this meeting be 
returned to Colonel Darby, our worthy chairman, for his polite and 
upright conduct in the chair. 

Resolved unanimously, That the thanks of this Corps be pre- 
sented to John Palmer, Esq. for his propriety of conduct, and 
particular attention to the business of this Corps, as secretary. 

Resolved, That the above Resolutions and Address, together 
with Mr. Grattan's answer, be inserted in the Dublin Evening 

Signed by Order, 
9th June, its <_\ JOHN PALMER, Secretary. 

Mr. Grattan's Answer. 


I thank you most sincerely for appointing me a member 
of your Corps. The Jirm tone of your spirit, qualified by temper 
— the clear and defined objects for which you were ready to 
sacrifice your lives — that disposition to be satisfied, and that 
determination to be free, constitute every thing which tends to 
secure the accomplishment of a great undertaking. The nation 
that treats with you, must always perceive how dangerous it is to 
be your enemy, and how practicable it is to be your friend. 

In the most entire confidence in your virtue, and with every 
acknowledgment for your Address, 

I am, Gentlemen, with great respect, 

Your most humble obedient Servant, 



At a general Meeting of the Carlow Association, held at Carlow, 
the second day of June, 1782. 

Major EUSTACE in the chair. 

The following Address was unanimously agreed to, and William 
Burton, Esq. our Colonel, requested to present it. 

To Henry Grattan, Esq. 


Permit us to congratulate you on the unspeakable satis- 
faction this long injured nation feels from the universal acknow- 
ledgment of her rights. 

\Yith hearts glowing with that warmth which so glorious a 
prospect diffuses, we take this opportunity of returning our thanks 
to you, the principal cause of so desirable an event. 

We behold with joy our virtuous countrymen actuated by the 
most grateful sentiments, publicly expressing their thanks to you, 
their deliverer. 




We are no less happy at the tribute paid by our Parliament to 
your unequalled merit, and rejoice that one* of the representatives 
for our county was foremost in proposing what is so perfectly 
consonant to our wishes. 

Inadequate as we are to the task, to do justice to your exalted 
abilities, yet we cannot refrain from giving some public mark of 
, our approbation to a conduct so highly virtuous, which we hope 
may ever meet its due reward, and the name of Grattan be 
Jianded down with reverence and esteem to the latest posterity. 


Mr. Grattan s Answer. 


I have received from your county distinguished honour. 
Mr. Burton, your worthy member, has presented your Address, of 
the highest and most dignified approbation. 

Mr. Bagenal, your other member, was the person who moved in 
the House of Commons a resolution honourable to me as a testi- 
mony of national approbation, and honourable as the original and 
spontaneous sentiment of a man, whose high and decided mind is 
composed of native worth and undaunted integrity. 

I congratulate my country on her acquisitions, and myself on 
her approbation — and am too much attached to both to relinquish 

With sincere thanks, 

I am, Gentlemen, most sincerely, 

Your most humble, obedient Servant, 


5th June, 1762. 


At a Meeting of the Ormond Independents, on their parade, 
June 3, 1782. 
Colonel TOLER in the chair. 
It was resolved to have the following Address presented. 

To Henry Grattan, Esq. 


Though it is scarcely possible to add any thing to that 
praise which a grateful people have conferred on you as their 
benefactor, yet, we beg to offer our tribute to the general acclam- 
ation of joy which surrounds you. 

You inspired your countrymen with the divinity of toleration. 
You animated them to a sense of their rights : — 
And you have established their civil and religious liberties upon 
the firmest basis. 

* Beauchamp Bagenal, Esq. 




You have been the mediator to conciliate two great nations ; 
they have both listened with attention to the dictates of that 
superior virtue, which has shone forth as the polar-star of their 
common course. 

Great Britain has been wise and just — Ireland is dignified and 

Mr. Grattans Answer. 


Your short and full Address, comprehensive and compli- 
mentative, stating, with happy distinguishing expressions the 
conduct of each kingdom, and full of a firm and reconciling spirit, 
does to the object of your praise the most singular and conspicuous 

I admire, with you, the spirit of toleration. 

I admire, with you, the civil and religious liberty of my country. 
I admire, with you, our connection with the British nation, and 
with you will I dedicate myself to the preservation of these im- 
portant objects. In that mind, 

I am, Gentlemen, with the highest respect, 

Your most humble Servant, 


At a Meeting of the Volunteers of Graigue, in the Queen's 
County, 3d June, 1782. 
Colonel HERRING in the chair. 
The following Address to Henry Grattan, Esq. was unanimously 
agreed to. 

Prompted by admiration of your unparalleled abilities, and 
by gratitude for the important services you have done your 
country, we beg leave to join ours to the public voice, and to 
return you our warmest acknowledgments for the signal services 
you have done this kingdom, and the great example you have set 
for future ages. We cannot but feel particularly happy that a 
substantial mark of national distinction has been conferred on the 
redeemer of our liberties, and its being carried unanimously must 
give the most heartfelt satisfaction to every patriotic Irishman, 
who, we are convinced, all repined that your great moderation 
made you decline any part of the small tribute- to which your 
merit is so justly entitled from a rising nation, which feels herself 
growing mighty under your auspices. 

We congratulate you on the late happy change in his Majesty's 
ministers and councils, and on the glorious success that has im- 
mediately attended it, a change on which Providence itself seems 
to look down well pleased. As Ireland has now a king who 
sincerely desires the general good of his subjects — as his throne 

* It was intended to have voted j£ 100,000 to Mr. Grattan, but at his 
instance, the grant was reduced to .£50,000. 

Q 2 



is now surrounded by upright ministers, both able and willing to 
carry his gracious intentions into execution ; and as it has in its 
senate such illustrious characters as Charlemont and Grattan, 
what is there it may not expect. — It has been already raised to a 
degree of consequence it never knew before, and as we were ready 
in the day of England's adversity, to share her fate, we trust, that 
when peace shall be restored, we shall with her enjoy the greatest 
public felicity, and transmit the same to our latest posterity. 

Signed by Order, 

J. CRISP, Secretary. 

Mr. Grattan s Ansuoer. 


The happy change in his Majesty's ministers and councils 
has been attended with all the success, which a constitutional 
government at home gives to national exertions abroad. I hope 
we shall share that public felicity, which naturally attends a free 
constitution, and a free commerce ; as far as the efforts of one man 
can promise, I will not fail to apply myself to the preservation of 
both. Bound, as I am, to my country, by every tie which her 
praise, her generosity, common interest, public pride, and natural 
affection can furnish, I shall contribute my mite to preserve the 
purity of her constitution, and the vigour of the public mind. 
I am, Gentlemen, with great respect, 

Your most humble, obedient Servant, 



At a general Meeting of the True Blue Legion, holden at the 
County Court-House, on Tuesday the 4th of June, 1782. 
Resolved, That Henry Grattan, Esq. be, and is hereby 
unanimously elected an honorary member of this corps. 

JOHN TERRY, Secretary. 



At a Meeting of Delegates from seventeen Corps of Volunteers, 
held at Birr, June the 4th, 1782. 

Resolved unanimously, That Colonel Armstrong, of Gillen, do 
take the Chair. 

Colonel ARMSTRONG in the Chair. 

Resolved unanimously, That the following Address be presented 
to Henry Grattan, Esq., and that Sir William Parsons, Bart, 
be requested to present the same. 




To Henry G rattan, Esq. 


In this day of general joy — in this auspicious dawn of 
liberty — in this moment when the nation beats high with transport, 
and every heart heaves with virtuous exultation j when confidence 
has supplanted distrust;' when the affection of his Majesty has 
been displayed, in redressing the distresses of his people ; when the 
only contest that remains, is an emulation to make the connection 
between the two kingdoms, firm and indissoluble; at this period of 
the completion of our wishes, grateful praise and thanks are due 
to that active, disinterested man, who with solid virtue and public 
spirit, has stood forth the guardian genius of this kingdom, con- 
ducted her through every difficulty, and restored her to her rights 
with certainty, and without blood ; we therefore request your 
acceptance of a gold medal, as a token of our collected respect. 

A spirit was raised among the people; a spirit which sprang 
from information and conviction, had diffused itself, not only 
through all orders of men, but to men of all denominations; a na- 
tional spirit solely directed to the national interest ; your happy 
management of this spirit has recovered our constitution, a con- 
stitution consisting of original rights, co-equal with prerogative, 
and co-eval with government. 

Every stage of life will bear testimony to such unexampled 
virtue; decrepid age, with its latest breath, will utter forth your 
praise, whilst eager youth, with aspiring zeal, shall emulate a 
Grattan's fame ; and when the calm days of returning peace 
shall bless this nation, industry shall cheer her weary sons with 
tales of Ireland's benefactor. 

We partake, with you, of the national joy at the brilliant suc- 
cesses of his Majesty's arms in both the Indies ; attached as we 
have ever been to Great Britain, we now feel ourselves deeply en- 
gaged in her happiness ; encompassed with foes, we glory to see 
her rise superior to their efforts ; and implore that great power 
that guides the fate of empire, that she may rise majestic over 
a wondering world. 

Sir William Parsons accordingly waited on Colonel Grattan 
with the Address, to which he received the following answer. 

Mr. G rattan s Answer. 


I receive with thanks your warm address, and equally ad- 
mire the firm and the temperate spirit which suggests it ; that spirit 
which first led you to insist on your rights, and prescribed to itself 
the honorable boundary of privilege and moderation. Clear in 
your objects, and invariable in your pursuits, you have obtained a 
victory over the pride and the affections of Great Britain, and have 
won her heart as well as her constitution ; in this amity we will 
proceed; an amity founded on common liberty and the surrender 
Q 3 



of unconstitutional claims ; in this amity we will proceed against 
the enemies of the British empire, united among ourselves by the 
bands of toleration, and bound to England by the ties of liberty. 
I am, Gentlemen, with great respect, 

Your humble and obedient Servant, 



At a Meeting of the Independent Enniskilleners, held at Ennis- 
killen, on the 4th day of June, 1782. 

WILLIAM STEWART, Esq. in the Chair. 

The following Address was unanimously agreed to. 

To Henry G rattan, Esq. 


At a time when the whole kingdom is so unanimous in re- 
turning you their most grateful thanks, for the surprising revolution 
in the affairs of this country, which you, by your exalted abilities, 
noble spirit, and steady perseverance, have effected, the Indepen- 
dent Enniskilleners would surely be deficient in respect, to so 
revered a character as Henry Grattan ; and do violence to the 
warm emotion of their souls, if they did not pour their small tribute 
of gratitude into the common fund. But when we would express 
our sensations on this occasion, words are wanting, the heart 
labours, and the pen is laid down in silent disappointment. 

Accept then, great Sir, our hearts instead of words, our feelings 
instead of expressions. Accept, in unadorned language, our sin- 
cerest thanks. 

May you long, long live the saviour of your country, and the 
friend of mankind, and when you are called to those high regions, 
which are composed of the most exalted spirits, may the beams of 
your setting sun, illuminate and invigorate the breasts of the then 
rising generation ; may the rlame of liberty be cherished and kept 
alive, and may Ireland never want a Grattan to defend her rights. 


Mr. Grattan s Answer* 


With a very high sense of the honor you confer, and a 
very great respect for your approbation, I return you my sincere 

I have endeavoured to do the public, service, her sense of it has 
been more than my desert. I think I shall not forfeit her esteem. 
I am, with the greatest respect, 

Your most humble, obedient Servant, 

Appendix.'] of Ireland. 




At a general Meeting of the Troop, the 8th day of June, 1782. 

Lieuteuant JOHN FARRAN in the Chair. 

It was unanimously resolved, That the following Address should 
be presented to Colonel Henry Grattan. 


Your virtuous and patriotic exertions in parliament, in sup- 
port of the- rights of Ireland, demand our warmest acknowledg- 
ments ; we congratulate you on their success, and beg leave to 
present you with this public testimony of our gratitude and respect. 

JOHN FARRAN, Chairman. 

Resolved, That the above address, and Colonel Grattan's 
answer, be published in the public newspapers. 

Mr. Grattan s Answer. 


I receive this testimony of your approbation, with all due 
acknowledgment. I rejoice at the success of our measures, and 
am, with great respect and regard, 

Your most obedient Servant, 


At a Meeting of Officers delegated by the First Tyrone Regiment, 
consisting of the Killymoon and Strabane Battalions, the follow- 
ing Address was unanimously agreed upon. 

To Henry Grattan, Esq. 


The present is a glorious period — it will be recorded with 
praise and admiration in the annals of our country. Our fond 
hopes will be realized — the chains which have bound the dearest 
privileges of Irishmen for centuries, are to be no more. Our vir- 
tuous patriots are entitled to the warmest thanks ; the First Tyrone 
Regiment are not insensible to their merits ; but, to you, Sir, 
whose persevering magnanimity in the public cause, whose suc- 
cessful efforts, in behalf of our rights, have shined with the brightest 
lustre, they pour out the overflowings of their gratitude. 

The sixteenth of April, one thousand seven hundred and eighty- 
two, when you moved an amendment of the address to his Majesty, 
comprehensive of all our wishes, and unanimously adopted by the 
representatives of the people, will, for ages to come, be a monu- 
ment to your praise. 

Q 4 




It can never be forgotten, the genius of liberty has ratified the 
edict: — "Let the laurels with which I have crowned Henry 
Grattan, the saviour of his country, be immortal." 

Signed by Order, 

JAMES ORR, Adjutant S. B. 
ROBERT WHITE, Adjutant K. B. 

Mr. Grattan s Answer* 


I do think the present is a very glorious period ; your ex- 
ertions have greatly contributed — you have inspirited, you have 
rewarded, and by every species of wise and spirited conduct, have 
forwarded that cause, which is now brought to maturity. 

The share I have had in the late transactions, has been in com- 
mon with you, to you, therefore, let me communicate part of the 
praise, and acknowledging at once your liberality and virtue, 
Believe me to be, 

With the highest esteem^ 

Your most humble, obedient Servant, 


9th June, 1782. 


At a Meeting of the Delegates of the Tullow Cavalry, Leighlin, 
Palantinetown, Tullow Infantry, and Hackettstown Fusileers, 
held at Hackettstown, co. Carlow, the 10th of June, 1782. 

Colonel ROCHFORT in the Chair. 

The following Address 'was unanimously agreed to, and our 
Chairman requested to present it. 

To Henry Grattan, Esq. 


Amidst the universal plaudits of a grateful people, permit 
us to join our voice to that of the nation ; sensible how little it can 
add to your glory, yet we should deem ourselves both deficient in 
our duty and unfaithful to our warmest feelings, did we neglect to 
offer this sincere and grateful tribute, to those exalted virtues and 
superior abilities which have restored us to freedom, and our native 
country to its just rights. 

Little reason had we, at the beginning of this important session, 
to flatter ourselves that any human efforts could stem that torrent 
of corruption, which threatened to overwhelm us in eternal slavery 
and ruin ; but what could not the maniy perseverance and powerful 
eloquence of a Grattan effect, supported by a few, but illustrious 
patriots in the senate — the invincible spirit of a brave and deter- 
mined nation. The corruptors are vanquished, and the corrupted, 
awed to a proper sense of their duty, are now become the faithful 




representatives of the people ; happy are we to observe them dis- 
playing it, by uniting to acknowledge and reward your virtue, and 
doubly happy to find them first called upon so to do by our own 
worthy representative, Mr. Bagenal, who, as he ably and honorably 
acquitted himself to his constituents, so hath he on this occasion, 
become the representative of the whole nation. 

Mav that Divine. Providence, which adorned you with those 
superior powers to render you the deliverer, long continue you 
the guardian and protector, as well as the pride of your country — 
and may your posterity for ages enjoy that reward, which, how- 
ever, unequal to your deserts, are superior to any thing which 
titles or preferment can bestow. 


Mr. G rat tan's Answer. 


I have received your Address with that satisfaction and 
gratitude, which every man should feel, when those approve of his 
conduct, whose approbation he venerates. The freedom of this 
country, I hope, is established for ever. Sure, I am, that as long 
as the [final adjustment shall be faithfully adhered to, nothing can 
shake our rights. I have, in this business, taken a part with other 
honorable and public spirited men. Your favor has distinguished 
me, but others have the same pretensions. 

The latter part of your address does me too much honor to ad- 
mit of an answer, other than to say, that I admire with you, that 
great character and upright senator, who has done me so distin- 
guished an honor ; an honor, which I conceive heightened by being 
proposed by Mr. Bagenal. 

1 am, Gentlemen, with great thanks, 

Your most humble Servant, 



To Henry Grattan, Esq. 
Sir, 13th June, 1782. 

We should blush at appearing so late amongst our brother 
volunteers, in acknowledging the eternal obligations, we, and the 
kingdom in general, owe to you, but that we are conscious of 
grateful hearts, however deficient we may be in the time or mode 
of declaring our gratitude. 

Dear as the blessing of established constitutional liberty has 
been, is, and shall, through all ages be, to the happy possessors of 
it, so dear must the name of Grattan ever be to those, who have 
so long wished for, and at last roused to assert it. 



It is much to be apprehended, that all our exertions, however 
spirited — all our resolutions to recover our long lost liberty at the 
risk of life and fortune, might, for the present, have been vain, 
had we not been so admirably seconded by the irresistible freedom 
of speech, the irrefragable eloquence of our esteemed and beloved 
brother volunteer, Colonel Grattan, who, with the perseverance 
of another Cato, has secured the blessings of the ever-smiling god- 
dess, to us and our posterity. 

Long, very long, may our country enjoy the unspeakable glory 
of possessing such a patriot, and you the heartfelt satisfaction, of 
having obtained the greatest of blessings for the most grateful 

Permit us, dear Sir, to have the honor of enrolling your revered 
name with those of your united and steady corps. 

Signed by order, 



The Aughnacloy Volunteers, on full parade, agreed to the follow- 
ing Address, and ordered it to be transmitted to their Colonel, 
Nathaniel Montgomery, Esq., to be by him presented to Henry 
Grattan, Esq. 


Impressed with the deepest sense of gratitude, the Augh- 
nacloy Volunteers beg leave to return you their most warm and 
sincere thanks, for your unwearied exertions in favor of the consti- 
tution, liberties, and future advantages of this hitherto unfortunate 
kingdom. They take a pride in declaring their firm intentions of 
supporting, with their lives and properties, those resolutions you 
have often introduced into that house, of which you are so distin- 
guished an ornament. 

They have recorded them. — By such pages will the name of 
Grattan be handed down, justly dear to posterity ; nor will 
they leave an useless lesson to mankind, that though tyranny and 
corruption may flourish for a time, yet must they at length yield 
to exalted talents, aided by such fortitude, and actuated by such 
virtue as you have, for years past, held forth to an attending, an 
admiring, and an astonished world. 


Mr. Grattan s Answer. 


Your worthy Colonel, and my honest associate in all na- 
tional questions, has presented to me your most flattering address. 
I thank you most sincerely, and do assure you, that the honors 
you confer, though above my desert, are not conferred without 




effect. They determine and exhort me in the pursuit of that con- 
duct, which has excited your approbation, and from which I will 
not depart. 

I am, Gentlemen, with great respect, 

Your most faithful and humble Servant, 


llth June, 178*2. 

At a general Meeting of the Cork Union, held at the County 
Court-House, on Thursday the 13th day of June, 1782. 

Resolved unanimously, That a piece of plate be presented by 
this corps, to Henry Grattan, Esq., as a testimony of our gra- 
titude for the many eminent and distinguished services he has 
rendered this country ; and that Richard Moore, Esq. and such 
other members of the corps as are now in Dublin, be requested to 
attend Mr. Grattan therewith. 

Published by order, 

JAMES GREGG, Secretary. 

The said piece of plate having been accordingly presented, 
Mr. Grattan* gave the following answer. 

Gentlemen, 27th June, 1782. 

I have received by the hands of some of the worthy 
members of your corps, a strong testimony of your approbation ; 
I shall view it as a memorial of your generosity, and a perpetual 
suggestion to my own uniformity. Pledged by the acceptance to 
the conduct which has drawn your attention, I am bound to you 
and the cause for ever. 

I have the honor to be, 

With great respect and thanks, 

Your most humble Servant, 



At a general Meeting of the Talbotstown Invincibles, the 13th 
of June, 1782. 
Lieut. Colonel HUME in the Chair. 
The following Address was unanimously agreed to, and that 
our Colonel, Nicholas Westby, Esq. do present the same. 

To Colonel Henry Grattan. 


We request you will honor us with your permission to 
enroll you a member of our corps, that posterity may know how 
far the principles of our association were approved of by the re- 
storer of the rights of Ireland. 



[ Appendix. 

Resolved, That this Address, with Colonel Grattan's answer, 
be published. 

WILLIAM HUME, Chairman. 

Mr. Grattans Answer. 


I thank you for the honor conferred, by enrolling me a 
member of your corps, the reason which you allege heightens 
the favor. I shall be faithful to the principles which have formed 
vour association, and attracted your applause. 

I am, Gentlemen, with great respect, 

Your most humble and obedient Servant, 



At a general Meeting of the Loughinshillen Battalion of Volun- 
teers, held at Castle-Dawson, on Friday the 14th of June, 1782, 
the following Address to Henry Grattan, Esq. was unani- 
mously agreed to ; to be presented by the Right Honorable 
Thomas Conolly. 

To Henry Grattan, Esq. 


When in your person we find united the most exalted vir- 
tue, and the most splendid abilities ; and when we see you thus 
qualified, dedicate your talents to the public service, no language 
is strong enough to express our sense of such uncommon merit. — 
We therefore can only join with the rest of the nation, in declaring, 
that to your virtue, abilities, and perseverance, we think ourselves 
indebted for the restoration of our constitutional liberties. All 
ranks of Irishmen are now perfectly content, and every sincere 
friend of this country will join with you, in giving the warmest 
support to an administration, who, having fulfilled the wishes of the 
people, are justly entitled to their confidence. 

With infinite satisfaction, we have heard of the very honorable 
manner in which our virtuous representatives in parliament, have 
marked their approbation of your conduct. May you long live to 
enjoy, as we are convinced you will ever deserve, the highest 
rewards which can be conferred upon you, by your grateful fellow- 

Mr. Grattans Answer. 


Your satisfaction arising from your liberty, is a just and 
Tionourable sentiment — your wish to support a ministry, under 
whom the rights of your country have been restored, is a justice 
both to them and to yourselves. — I am sensibly touched by the 




expressions you have delivered in my favor. Happy to meet with 
your approbation, I will labour to preserve it. 

I am, Gentlemen, with the greatest respect, 
Your most humble Servant, 


14th June, 1782. 

Commanded by the Right Hon. James, Earl of Charlemont. 
At a Meeting of the Officers of the Southern Battalion of said 

Regiment, consisting of twelve companies, on the 14th of June 

instant, the following Resolutions were unanimously agreed upon. 
Captain HARRIS in the Chair. 

Resolved unanimously, That the several Addresses now read, 
be presented to our Colonel, The Right Hon. General, James, Earl 
of Charlemont, Colonel Grattax, Lieutenant Colonel Brown- 
low, Lieutenant Colonel Dawson, and to Counsellor Metge. 

Resolved unanimously, That the Chairman do transmit our 
Address to Lieutenant Colonel Brownlow and Lieutenant Colonel 
Dawson, and at the same time to request Lieutenant Colonel 
Dawson to wait upon our Colonel, General, James, Earl of 
Charlemont, Colonel Grattax, and Counsellor Metge, and to 
present to them respectively our Addresses. 

Resolved, That said Addresses, with the several answers, be 
published in the Dublin Evening Post, Belfast News-letter, and the 
Newry Journal. 

Signed by Order, 

Ensign, T. & A. Volunteers, j Secretary. 

At a public Town Meeting held at Newry, 20th June, 1782, the 
following Address was agreed to. 

To Henry Graltafi, Esq. 


We have observed with unvaried admiration, the perse- 
verance and ability, with which you have supported the rights and 
the constitution of this country ; and we beg of you to accept the 
tribute of our grateful applause. 

Could Great Britain have remained insensible to the ill policy, 
as well as injustice of resisting our demands, our exertions were 
ready in your support, as our congratulations are now sincere on 
your success. 

"\Ye add nothing to the applause you have justly received from 
the voice of your country, but our joining to make it universal, 
which we do, with the warmest approbation of your great and con- 
spicuous abilities. 

ISAAC CORRY,* Chairman. 

* On the 14th of February, 1800, he moved the first Resolution in favour of 
the Union ! proh hominum Jtdes ! 





At a Meeting of the Delegates of three hundred and six Com- 
panies of the Volunteers' Army, of the province of Ulster, pur- 
suant to public notice, held at Dungannon, on Friday the 21st 
day of June, 1782, the following Address to Henry Grattan, 
Esq. was unanimously agreed upon. 

Colonel WILLIAM IRVINE in the Chair. 
To Henry Grattan, Esq. 


Your own exertions, and the gratitude and good sense of 
your country, have placed you in the first of human stations. — 
You are constituted the arbiter between a government and a peo- 
ple — the guardian of a nation's rights, we had almost said, the 
preserver of an empire's union. — You were born for the occasion, 
the occasion only could have been worthy of you. That you may 
long live to enjoy, and, if possible, to increase the gratitude of your 
country, is the fervent wish of the Volunteers of Ulster, and they 
may safely say, of the people of Ireland. 

Mr. Grattan s Answer. 


To a body of men celebrated as you have been — -uniform 
as you have been, and effectual as you have been, I address myself, 
not with thanks only, but with respect and veneration. 

You have done your county very eminent service, and you have 
done yourselves very considerable honor. 

You began with the genuine spirit of liberty, and having obtained 
your rights, you have stopped to husband them. — . You held out to 
Great Britain, the option of separation or freedom — she has ac- 
ceded to your freedom, and you have given her your friendship — 
a tvise and generous policy. Preserve your uniformity, and you 
preserve your association. 

I am, Gentlemen, with great respect, 

Your most humble, obedient Servant, 


At a Meeting of the Dunlavan Corps, held at Dunlavan, on Mon- 
day the 24th of June, 1782. 
Sir JAMES STRATFORD TYNTE, Bart, in the Chair. 
The following Address was unanimously agreed to. 

To Henry Grattan, Esq. 


Convinced that no Address of ours can add lustre to your 
name; yet as Irishmen, and embarked in the common cause, we 
cannot, in justice to our feelings, and your distinguished merit, 
omit returning you our warmest thanks for your unremitted atten- 
tion and virtuous perseverance, in establishing our constitution, by 

Appendix. ~\ 



a declaration of our rights and liberties, and for the whole tenor of 
vour parliamentary conduct, which, as citizens, we look up to with 
admiration and applause; we therefore beg your acceptance of this 
tribute, infinitely inadequate either to our feelings or your merit. 

Resolved, That the above Address be presented by our 

Resolved, That the above Address, and Mr. Grattan's answer, 
be published in the Dublin Evening Post and Carlow Journal. 


To Mrs. G rattan. 
Madam, 1782. 
We feel a most sensible pleasure in this opportunity of 
expressing our grateful thanks, for the very superb and elegant pair 
of colours with which you have presented our corps. 

The great cause of liberty and the rights of Ireland, first induced 
us to take arms ; these objects we have steadily pursued, and will 
to our latest breath. 

The flattering mark of approbation of a lady, who shines among 
the brightest ornaments of the fair, must inspire us with the double 
ardour to discharge the duty we owe our rising country ; our 
pride shall be to follow our standard with unremitting zeal and 
intrepidity, maintaining the freedom this kingdom has so singularly 
acquired; convinced that you will consider the service of our 
country the most acceptable return for your obliging attention, 
and the most grateful manner of expressing the particular respect 
the Independent Dublin Volunteers entertain for you, who are dis- 
tinguished for every perfection of your sex. 

(Signed by order,) 


Mrs. Grattans Answer. 


I am very sensible of the honour of your Address. I 
have taken the only method in my power to express my admiration 
of the volunteers, and of your corps in particular ; and am happy 
that this small testimony of my esteem has met with your 




At a Meeting of the Belfast First Volunteer Company, on the 27th 
of June, 1782, the following Address was unanimously agreed to. 

To Colonel Henry Grattan. 


The grateful feelings of a volunteer corps, which claims 
the honour of being the first association formed on the principle of 
general defence, will not, we hope, be unacceptable ; you have 
the distinguished merit of early conceiving that the period was 
arrived when Ireland might demand her rights, and not far distant 
when she might secure them. The greatness of the idea marks the 
enlargement of your soul ; and your unwearied perseverance in a 
succession of years, and a variety of forms, to realize that great 
idea, is the clearest proof of your incorruptible integrity, and un- 
spotted patriotism. Doubts having being entertained, which, in 
our opinion, are well founded, whether the mere repeal of the 6th 
of George I. by the parliament of Britain, is in itself a sufficient 
renunciation of the power formerly exercised over this kingdom, 
we apprehend it would tend to general satisfaction, were the legis- 
lature of Ireland to enact a law similar to the late addresses to his 
Majesty ; as its receiving the assent of a king in whom the two 
crowns are united, would, in our opinion, be an additional security 
to those others, in the acquisition of which you have already with 
so much ability and perseverance assisted. If the idea meet your 
approbation, (which from some expressions of yours in the House 
of Commons, we have reason to hope,) we cannot doubt your wil- 
lingness to bring it forward. 

We have the honour to be, Sir, 

Your faithful humble Servants. 

Signed by order, 


17th July, 1782. 

Mr. Grattan s Answer. 


I have delayed to return ait answer to your Address, 
that I might have an opportunity of giving it the fullest con- 

I have done so. I am sorry to differ from you. I conceive your 
doubt to be ill founded. 

With great respect for your opinions, and unalterable attach- 
ment to your interest, I adhere to the latter. 

I am, Gentlemen, 

Your most obedient, humble Servant, 



June, 1782. 

It was this day Resolved, That an honorary degree of Doctor 
of Laws, shall be conferred by diploma on Henry Grattan, 




Esq., in token of the high respect which this society entertains for 
his public virtues and great abilities. 

It was also Resolved, That the said Mr. Grattan be requested 
to sit for his picture ; and that the said picture, at full length, be 
placed in the new theatre.* 

The unanimous Address of the High Sheriffs, Gentlemen, Clergy, 
Freeholders, and Inhabitants of the County of Longford, assem- 
bled at Longford, July 1st, 1782. 

To Henry Grattan, Esq. 


We, the High Sheriff, Gentlemen, Clergy, Freeholders, 
and Inhabitants of the county of Longford, beg leave, in the most 
public manner, to add our suffrage of your merits, to the unani- 
mous plaudits of an admiring nation. 

Residing in a county which you have sometimes honoured with 
your presence, we are happy in an opportunity of declaring that 
your social and private virtues can only be equalled by the splen- 
dour of your public character ; a character which would have 
gained from ancient Rome in her meridian glory, the noblest of 
human titles, " The Father of his Country." 

Born to defend the rights of mankind, you never deviated from 
the path of public virtue, but have stood forth the advocate of re- 
ligious toleration and civil liberty, and uniformly exerted the most, 
extended capacity in combating venality and corruption ; rescuing 
our injured constitution from impolitic restraints ; and finally, from 
a state of obscurity and inaction, exalting Ireland among nations. 

To you every nervous term of respect and veneration has been 
applied and exhausted ; conscious, therefore, of the inability of 
language, to express adequately your deserts, or our feelings, we 
decline the attempt ; and though excess of praise, (if that were 
possible,) on this auspicious occasion would only be excess of 
virtue, we fear lest the overflowings of our sensibility, and the 
warmth of our honest admiration, should wound the ear of the man 
above all praise ; who unites a singular delicacy to the most singu- 
lar merits ; and listens to the eulogies of fame but to deserve them. 

May you, Sir, long enjoy the well-earned tribute of Ireland's 
gratitude, and the noble satisfaction of protecting that constitution, 
which your incorruptible integrity and irresistible eloquence have 
happily restored; and may the name of GRATTAN, the brightest 
star amid a constellation of worthies, ever animate the public 
mind, dignify the national character, and dispense virtue and con- 
sequent happiness to our latest posterity. 


* This picture was taken down in 1 798, and that of Lord Clare put in its place ; 
but shortly before his death it was brought from the lumber room, and hung up i» 
the dining hall. 





To all People to tvhom these Presents shall come. 

19th April, 1782, 

We the Mayor, Sheriffs, Burgesses, and Commons of the county 
of the town of Drogheda, do send greeting. 

Know ye, that we have unanimously granted, and do hereby 
present unto Henry Grattan, Esq. the full freedom, rights, and 
privileges of the corporation of the town and county of the town of 
Drogheda aforesaid, as a mark of our respect for his strenuous 
exertions, spirit, and perseverance in support of the rights of 
Ireland, manifested on all occasions, particularly by his amend- 
ment to the address of the House of Commons to his Majesty, on 
Tuesday the sixteenth day of April instant; in testimony whereof^ 
we have hereunto affixed the seal of the said corporation, the 
nineteenth day. of April, in the year of our Lord one thousand 
seven hundred and eighty-two. 

(Entered) WM. HOLMES. 

This Address, accompanied by a gold box, with the arms of the 
corporation engraved on it, was presented to Mr. Grattan. 


Midsummer Genei-al Assembly, July 19, 1782, 
The freedom of the said corporation having been unanimously 
voted, on the 19th day of April last, to Henry Grattan, Esq. 
in a gold box, for his strenuous exertions, spirit, and perseverance, 
in support of the rights of Ireland, manifested on all occasions, 
particularly by his amendment to the address of the House of 
Commons to his Majesty, on Tuesday the sixteenth of that month ; 
and the same having been accordingly presented to him by 
William Meade Ogle, Esq. one of our representatives in parlia- 
ment, Mr. Grattan was pleased to give the following answer: 


The freedom which you have conferred on me, and the 
reasons assigned, do me the greatest honour. I am happy to 
belong to a body distinguished for its spirit. I shall be faithful 
to the principles of my admission. 

I am, Gentlemen, with the greatest respect, 
Your most humble Servant, 


Signed by Order, 





At a general Meeting of the Corps this day, November 15, 1782. 
Lieutenant-Colonel MORRIS in the Chair. 
The following resolutions were unanimously agreed to : — 

Resolved, That this corps shall hold itself in readiness, at an 
hour's warning, to preserve the peace and good order of this town 
and neighbourhood, as well as of the county at large. 

Resolved, That the following Address, expressive of our unani- 
mous sentiments, be presented to our worthy member, Colonel 
Henry Grattan, by Robert Day, Esq. our delegate to the Na- 
tional Committee in Dublin : — 


We congratulate you on your safe arrival in your native 
country * ; a nation so much indebted to your virtue and perse- 
verance for her present prospects of political freedom and conse- 
quence. We hope and trust that you will use the same spirited 
exertions, until (by an absolute renunciation on the part of Great 
Britain of all right of legislation for this kingdom) her liberties are 
established on a permanent and unequivocal foundation. 

During your absence the measure of raising fencible or provin- 
cial regiments has been adopted, which we, in common with the 
other volunteer corps of Ireland, conceive to be intended to divide 
and weaken our glorious associations, and which we know, from 
experience in this county, has prevented the carrying that unani- 
mous resolution of the Irish Commons, which you were the mover 
of, into execution, namely, that for raising twenty thousand men 
for the service of the empire at sea. We hope this measure will 
meet with that opposition in Parliament, from your great abilities, 
which we conceive it deserves, and which we are determined to 
give it by every legal means in our power. . 

The chairman having left the chair, and Capt. Hickson having 
taken it : 

Resolved, That the warmest thanks of this corps be returned 
to our worthy chairman, Lieut. -Colonel Morris, for his great 
politeness, spirit, and impartiality in the chair. 

Mr. Grattan s Austver. 


I feel your affection very sensibly. I shall not forfeit it 


Your interest shall ever be my object ; in pursuing your interest 
I rely for approbation on your understanding. 

* Mr. Grattan had just returned from the Continent, where he had gone for 
the improvement of his health. 

R 2 




I have given my sentiments already on one of the questions you 
mention* ; the prospect of a peace seems to settle the other. The 
attack on your judicature is a new and distinct subject f ; the in- 
fraction was the act of a few; the redress I should hope will be 
the act of the nation ; and when Great Britain speaks once more 
upon the Irish subject, I dare say you will see, that in her trans- 
action with Ireland, she has been sincere and honourable. 
I am, Gentlemen, with great respect, 

Your faithful and obliged humble Servant, 



At a Meeting of the Corps, December the 1st, 1782. 

Captain HENRY WHITESTONE in the chair. 

Resolved unanimously, That the following address be pre- 
sented to our Colonel, Henry Grattan, Esq. 

To Colonel Henri/ Grattan, 


An unsuspecting and liberal confidence, natural to the 
people of Ireland, betrayed this corps into a belief of sincerity in 
the intention of Great Britain, and they accordingly expressed by 
a public resolve, their satisfaction at the repeal of an English 
declaratory law ; a law enacted during an intoxication of power 
against a country, then depressed by the tyranny of its usurpers, 
and bleeding in consequence of its own unhappy intestine divi- 

But the experience of ages, and many recent alarming circum- 
stances, have awakened fears, which must naturally extend to the 
breasts of all who wish unequivocal precision established in place 
of present uncertainty, lest the liberties of this country, heretofore 
wantonly trampled on, may at a future period be garbled or ex- 
plained away, by corrupt or chimerical servants of the crown. 

We feel the time now arrived when silence becomes criminal, 
after a committee, chosen from the best informed body in this 
nation, (the lawyers corps,) have declared our present security in- 
adequate ; with whose report, and the two following resolutions of 
that corps, we most perfectly agree. 

" That a voluntary and express renunciation on the part of 
Great Britain, of all claim of right to bind Ireland, either exter- 

* On Simple Repeal. See 1st vol. of Speeches, p. 146. 

•f- This was an old cause that remained over in the English court of King's 
Bench, prior to the restoration of Irish judicature in 1 782. 





nally or internally, would, in our opinion, give great satisfaction 
to this country, and render the union between the two kingdoms 
permanent and indissoluble. 

" That an act of the Irish Parliament, ascertaining and securing 
the rights of this country, is, in our opinion, necessary for the 
establishment of its liberties/' 

Because their very great knowledge of the laws, and in these 
points their indefatigable zeal and researches, have placed the 
situation of public affairs in the clearest point of view. 

Therefore, we earnestly wish these our opinions, in which we 
find ourselves supported by all virtuous Irishmen, may meet your 
hearty concurrence and strenuous support, to establish, on a 
secure and lasting foundation, the rights and liberties of this much 
injured country, as we are determined at the risk of every thing- 
dear to us, to exert all constitutional means to transmit them to 
posterity inviolate. 


Resolved, That the said address be signed by the chairman, 
who, with the committee that prepared the same, do present it to 
Colonel Grattan. 

Resolved unanimously, That the thanks of this corps be hereby 
given to said committee, for their trouble in preparing this 

The chairman and committee having waited on Col. Grattan, 
he returned the following answer : 


I was sorry that your address should have been published 
before it was presented, because 1 do not wish to appear tardy to 
respect your opinions, or to disclose mine. 

1 applauded the liberal confidence which you reposed in the 
sincerity of the British nation ; I hope she may long continue to 
deserve, and you to entertain that just and necessary sentiment. 

I agree with you that the 6th of George I. was passed when we 
were depressed by the " intoxication of power, and weakened by 
intestine divisions." There was at that time in the stamina of the 
community a radical weakness ; we had taken precautions against 
our own strength and liberty, by the emaciating cruelty of barbar- 
ous laws, and we felt in our own bondage the natural returns of 
our own tyranny: fortunately we have discovered the error; it 
was your policy, and my decided opinion to adopt the Catholic 
body. / conceived it to be a sacred truth, and written as it were 
in the tables of fate, " that the Irish Protestant shoidd never be 
free until the Irish Catholic ceased to be a slave by the charter 
of toleration those intestine divisions which you speak of, have 
ceased, and with them the domination of Great Britain has de- 

The Parliament of Ireland has asserted its legislative independ- 
ency, the Parliament of Great Britain has acknowledged it, fully 
acknowledged it : I speak, warranted by the record of the pro- 
ceedings, and by the almost unanimous declarations of both 
R 3 




Houses of Parliament : I speak the legal language and expressed 
opinion of the most eminent men of the bar*, and I might add legal 
personages still more high and authoritative. 

In this conviction, and with this authority, you will not suppose 
that I shall subscribe to the resolutions, to which you have lately 
acceded. A member of one House of Parliament, and attached 
to the privileges of both, and to the Parliamentary constitution of 
Ireland, I do not see that emergency, which should induce, or 
warrant us to refer, revise, and contradict a resolution of the 
House of Commons, and, under colour of fortifying the Inde- 
pendency of our Parliament, supersede its authority. 

I concur with yow in every personal compliment to the seven 
gentlemen who framed the report you speak of, but when I differ 
from you, it is not surprising that I should have no scruple to 
differ from them. 

I know of no circumstance, except one, which has recently 
happened to alarm you : the entertaining and deciding by the 
Court of King's Bench, in England, an Irish cause, is, no doubt, a 
very great infringement. You do not imagine that I mean to rest 
under it ; but I shall never suppose such a measure to be the act 
of England, unless her Parliament shall hesitate to do it away in a 
manner the most clear, comprehensive, and satisfactory. 

I have given you my sincere opinion, I have explicitly differed 
from you with a regard for the corps, and an affection for the men 
who compose it. The natural result of my dissent is the ceasing 
of my command; I do not resign, lest peremptory resignation 
should appear an act of unmanly offence ; in the succession of 
officers you have an opportunity to indulge the range of your dis- 
position. Invited to the command without solicitation, I shall 
render back the honour without the emotions of resentment, or 
the affectation of indifference. 

In the warm hours of your panegyric I made every allowance 
for a sanguine disposition; in the present hour, when the same 
disposition may go in the other direction, I shall make the same 

There is a final justice in public opinion on 'which I do not Jear 
to stand. 

I am, Gentlemen, with great respect, 

Your faithful and humble Servant, 


At a further Meeting of the Corps, Dec. 6, 1782. 

A complaint having been made of the publication of several 
papers, entitled the Report of the Committee of the Independent 
Dublin Volunteers, and containing the above address. 

* These recorded opinions will be found in the memoirs of Mr. Gkaixan's life. 




Resolved unanimously, That the publication of the address of 
this corps to Colonel Grattan, without authority, and before the 
same was presented, was an high insult to the corps. 

Resolved, That any member of this corps, who was aiding in 
the said publication, merits the severest censure, and is unworthy 
of being continued a member of the corps. 

Resolved, That the above address, answer, and resolutions be 
published three times in the Dublin and General Evening Posts. 
Signed by order, 



At a full Meeting on the 27th June, 1782. 

Resolved, That the following Address be transmitted to our 
tolonel, and that his lordship be requested to present the same 
to Colonel Henry Grattan. 

To Colonel Henry Grattan. 


Were we to attempt applauding your conduct in pro- 
portion as we esteem it ; did we conceive any hopes of addressing 
you for your steady virtue, in terms adequate to the lively sense 
we entertain of it, we should be deterred from such an undertaking 
bv the difficulty of the task. We are not ashamed to make this 
acknowledgment ; the language of panegyric has been already 
applied to you by the united voice of this nation, and exhausted. 
We have only, then, thus publicly to return you our warmest and 
sincerest thanks, for your unremitted attention to the service of 
the public, and to congratulate you on the success of your 
exertions, and the completion of your wishes. The pleasure you 
must necessarily feel, from your having attracted the distinguished 
regards of your country, must be still heightened by your con- 
sciousness that you deserved them. You have been the principal 
and happy instrument in restoring her ancient freedom and con- 
stitution to Ireland ; and we are confident from the innate purity 
of your sentiments, you will continue the watchful guardian of 
Ireland's rights. The liberal and unequivocal manner in which 
our late requisitions have been granted by the British parliament, 
has completely gratified our wishes, as it has in our opinion fully 
established our constitution. We have the most unbounded confi- 
dence in the wisdom and integrity of those ministers who at present 
direct his Majesty's councils, and do consider a repeal of the 6t/t 
of George I. by the legislature of England, a complete renunci- 
ation of all the claims contained in that statute ; as we are then 
R 4 

248 ' simple repeal. [Appendix, 

satisfied, we share her liberty with our sister kingdom ; we are 
determined, by giving her our most cordial assistance in the hour 
of danger, to share her fate. 

Signed by Order, 


Adjutant and Secretary. 

Resolved, That our most affectionate thanks are justly due, and 
are hereby most sincerely given, to our lieutenant-colonel, William 
Blood, for his uncommon zeal in the cause we have embarked in, 
and for his very great liberality to this corps on many occasions. 

Resolved, That the thanks of this Meeting be given to our 
chairman, for his polite and proper conduct in the chair. 

Resolved, That the above resolutions, addresses, and answers 
thereto, be published in the Dublin Evening Post, and Clare 

Signed by Order, 


Adjutant and Secretary. 

Mr, Grattaris Ansuoer, 


Your approbation, accompanied with great expressions 
of satisfaction for the restoration of your liberties, does the greatest 
honour to your spirit and your justice. 

The manner in which you received reparation, is suitable to the 
dignity of both nations, and a pledge of harmony and freedom. 

The part I have taken, is in common with other men, and the 
principles those to which I will ever adhere. 

I am, Gentlemen, with great respect, 

Your most humble Servant, 


At a Meeting of the Committee of Correspondence, appointed by 
the delegates of forty-five volunteer corps, assembled at Lisburn 
on the 1st of July instant, held at Belfast 19th July, 1783. 


Lieut.-Colonel SHARMAN in the chair. 

Major Burden, 
Captain Cunningham, 
Captain Prentice, 

Captain Crawford, 
Lieutenant Tomb, 
Mr. Robt. Thompson. 

Appendix. ,] 



Ordered, That the following letter, signed by the secretary in 
the name of this committee, be forwarded to the Right Honourable 
Henry G rattan, enclosing a copy of the resolutions of the 
Provincial Meeting of Volunteers of Munster, and of the pro- 
ceedings of forty-five volunteer delegates assembled at Lisburn on 
the first instant, respecting a Parliamentary Reform ; as also a 
copy of the circular letter, written this day by this committee to 
the several volunteer corps of this province. 

To the Right Honourable Henry Grattan. 
Sir, Belfast, 19th July, 1783. 

The very glorious and effectual part you took in the eman- 
cipation of your native country, naturally leads the volunteers of 
the north of Ireland to look up to you for a decided support in 
favour of a reform, which, no doubt, meets your warmest wishes. 

To a gentleman of such unrivalled ability, and of so intimate 
knowledge of the ruinous state of the representation of Ireland, in 
us to aim at conveying information were very unnecessary. 

The day fixed for the Dungannon meeting being very near, viz. 
8th September, and our day of meeting as a committee for arrang- 
ing the information we shall receive, being the 20th August, we 
humbly hope you will favour us, before the latter date, with your 
sentiments at large on this subject ; pointing out such a specific 
mode of reform, and the most eligible steps leading to it, as come 
up to your ideas. 

We have yet another favour to request, viz. that you would 
inform us, whether shortening the duration of Parliaments, exclu- 
sion of pensioners, limitation of the number of placemen, and a 
tax on absentees, or any of those be, in your opinion, subjects on 
which the volunteers of Ireland ought to interfere ; and we most 
earnestly entreat that you would favour us with a sketch of such 
resolutions as you would think proper to be proposed at Dun- 

Your reply * you will be so good as to address to our chairman 
at Lisburn. 

Signed by order, 

HENRY JOY, jun., Sec. of the 45 Corps. 

* Unfortunately the answer on this important subject is not to be found j but 
Mr. Grattan's opinion was decidedly in favour of Reform. 





Proceedings in the British and the Irish Parliaments, as far as 
regards the Repeal of the Act assuming the Supremacy of the 
British Parliament over Ireland. 


9th April, 1782. 

Mr. Secretary Fox acquainted the House, that he had a mes- 
sage from His Majesty to this House, signed by His Majesty ; and 
he presented the same to this House ; and it was read by the 
Speaker, all the members of the House being uncovered, and is 
as follows : 

" G. R. 

" His Majesty being concerned to find that discontents 
and jealousies are prevailing among his loyal subjects in Ireland 
upon matters of great weight and importance, earnestly recom- 
mends to this House to take the same into their most serious 
consideration, in order to such a final adjustment as may give 
mutual satisfaction to both kingdoms. 

« G. R." 

Resolved, nem. con. That an humble address be presented to 
His Majesty, to return His Majesty the thanks of this House for'his 
most gracious message ; and to assure His Majesty, that this House, 
feeling with His Majesty the deepest concern that discontents and 
jealousies should have arisen among His Majesty's loyal subjects 
in Ireland, will, without delay, take the same into their most 
serious consideration, in order to such a final adjustment as may 
give mutual satisfaction to both kingdoms. 

Ordered, That the said address be presented to His Majesty 
by such Members of this House as are of His Majesty's most 
Honourable Privy Council. 


16th April, 1782. 

Mr. Secreta ry of State informed the House, that he was com- 
manded by his Grace, the Lord Lieutenant, to deliver a message 
to the House, from his Grace, which he read in his place, and after 
delivered in at the table, and the same was read by Mr. Speaker, 
and is as follows. 

" Portland." 

" I have it in command from his Majesty, to inform this 
House, that his Majesty being concerned, to find that discontents 




and jealousies are prevailing among his loyal subjects of this 
country, upon matters of great weight and importance, his Majesty 
recommends to this House to take the same into their most serious 
consideration, in order to such a Jinal adjustment, as may give 
mutual satisfaction to his kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland." 

Ordered, That his Grace, the Lord Lieutenant's message be 
entered on the journals of this House. 

(A similar message was delivered to the House of Lords.) 

A motion was made, " That an humble address be presented to 
his Majesty, to return his Majesty the thanks of this House, for 
his most gracious message to this House, signified by his Grace, 
the Lord Lieutenant that in obedience to his Majesty's most gra- 
cious recommendation, this House will, without delay, take into 
their most serious consideration, the dissentions and jealousies 
which have arisen in this kingdom; the cause whereof they will 
investigate with all convenient dispatch, and humbly submit to his 
Majesty's royal justice and wisdom." 

An amendment was made to this motion, and the resolution so 
amended, is as follows : 

Resolved, That an humble address be presented to his Majesty, 
to return his Majesty the thanks of this House, for his most gra- 
cious message to this House, signified by his Grace, the Lord 

To assure his Majesty of our unshaken attachment to his Ma- 
jesty's person and government, and of our lively sense of his 
paternal care, in thus taking the lead to administer content to his 
Majesty's subjects of Ireland. 

That thus encouraged by his royal interposition, we shall beg 
leave, with all duty and affection, to lay before his Majesty the 
causes of our discontents and jealousies. To assure his Majesty 
that his subjects of Ireland are a free people. That the crown of 
Ireland is an imperial crown, inseparably annexed to the crown of 
Great Britain ; on which connexion, the interests and happiness of 
both nations essentially depend : but that the kingdom of Ireland is 
a distinct kingdom, with a parliament of her own, the sole legislature 
thereof. That there is no body of men competent to make laws 
to bind this nation, except the King, Lords, and Commons of 
Ireland, nor any other parliament which hath any authority or 
power, of any sort whatsoever, in this country, save only the parlia- 
ment of Ireland. To assure his Majesty that we humbly conceive, 
that in this right the very essence of our liberties exists, a right 
which we, on the part of all the people of Ireland, do claim as 
their birth-right, and which we cannot yield but with our lives. 

To assure his Majesty, that we have seen, with concern, certain 
claims advanced by the parliament of Great Britain, in an Act, 
entitled an " Act for the better securing the dependency of Ire- 
land," an Act containing matter entirely irreconcileable to the 




fundamental rights of this nation. That we conceive this Act, 
and the claims it advances, to be the great and principal cause of 
the discontents and jealousies in this kingdom. 

To assure his Majesty, that his Majesty's Commons of Ireland, 
do most sincerely wish that all bills which become law in Ireland, 
should receive the approbation of his Majesty, under the seal of 
Great Britain ; but that yet we do consider the practice of sup- 
pressing our bills in the council of Ireland, or altering the same any 
where, to be another just cause of discontent and jealousy. 

To assure his Majesty, that an Act, entitled " An Act for the 
better accommodation of his Majesty's forces," being unlimited in 
duration, and defective in other instances, but passed in that shape 
from the particular circumstances of the times, is another just cause 
of discontent and jealousy in this kingdom. 

That we have submitted these, the principal causes of the pre- 
sent discontent and jealousy of Ireland, and remain in humble ex- 
pectation of redress. 

That we have the greatest reliance on his Majesty's wisdom, the 
most sanguine expectations from his virtuous choice of a chief 
governor, and great confidence in the wise, auspicious, and con- 
stitutional councils, which we see with satisfaction his Majesty has 

That we have, moreover, a high sense and veneration for the 
British character, and do, therefore, conceive that the proceedings 
of this country, founded as they were in right, and tempered by 
duty, must have excited the approbation and esteem, instead of 
wounding the pride of the British nation. 

And we beg leave to assure his Majesty, that we are the more 
confirmed in this hope, in as much as the people of this kingdom, 
have never expressed a desire to share the freedom of England, 
without declaring a determination to share her fate likewise, stand- 
ing and falling with the British nation. 

A similar Address was agreed to by the Lords. 

22d April, 1782, 

The Right Honorable, the Secretary of State, reported to the 
House, that his Grace, the Lord Lieutenant, had been attended 
with the Address of this House to his Majesty, and that, there- 
upon, his Grace was pleased to return the following answer. 

" I shall immediately transmit this dutiful and loyal Address, to 
be laid before his Majesty." 

Ordered to be entered in the journals. 





1st May, 1782. 

Mr Secretary Fox presented to the House, by his Majesty's 

Copy of the message to the Houses of Lords and Commons in 
Ireland, from his Grace, the Lord Lieutenant, delivered the 16th 
of April, 1782: — and also, 

Copy of a resolution of the House of Lords in Ireland, the 17th 
of April, 1782: — and also, 

Copy of a resolution of the House of Commons of Ireland, the 
16th of April, 1782: — 

And the, titles of said copies, were read accordingly. 

17th May, 1782. 

Resolved, That this House will immediately resolve itself into 
a committee of the whole House, to take into consideration his 
Majesty's most gracious message, of the 9th of April last, relative 
to the state of Ireland. 

Ordered, That the several papers which were presented to this 
House, by Mr. Secretary Fox, upon the first day of this instant, 
be referred to the said committee. 

The House then went into the committee. 

Mr. Powys, shortly after, reported from the committee, that they 
had come to several resolutions, which they had directed him to 

Ordered, That the said report be received. 

Mr. Powys accordingly reported from the committee, the reso- 
lutions which were read, and are as follow : 

Resolved, That it is the opinion of this committee, that an 
Act made in the sixth year of the reign of his late Majesty King 
George the First, entitled " An Act for the better securing the 
dependency of the kingdom of Ireland upon the crown of Great 
Britain," ought to be repealed. 

Resolved, That it is the opinion of this committee, that it is 
indispensible to the interests and happiness of both kingdoms, 
that the connection between them should be established by mutual 
consent, upon a solid and permanent basis. 

The said resolutions being read a second time, and the question 
severally put thereon, were agreed to by the House, nem. con. 

Ordered, That leave be given to bring in a Bill for repealing an . 
Act, made in the sixth year of his late Majesty King George the 




First, entitled " An Act for the better securing the dependency of 
the kingdom of Ireland, upon the crown of Great Britain ;" and 
that Mr. Secretary Fox, Mr. Thomas Pitt, Mr. Powys, and Lord 
John Cavendish, do prepare and bring in the same. 

Resolved, That an humble Address be presented to his Majesty, 
that his Majesty will be graciously pleased to take such measures, 
as his Majesty in his royal wisdom shall think most conducive to 
the establishing, by mutual consent, the connexion between this 
kingdom and the kingdom of Ireland, upon a solid and permanent 

Ordered, That the said Address be presented to his Majesty, 
by such members of this House, as are of his Majesty's most 
Honorable Privy Council. 

22d May, 1782. 

Mr. Secretary Fox reported to the House, that his Majesty had 
been attended with the Address of this House on Friday last, 
which his Majesty had been pleased to receive very graciously, 
and that his Majesty had commanded him to acquaint this House, 
that he will immediately take such measures as may be most likely 
to conduce to the establishment of a connexion, between this 
kingdom and the kingdom of Ireland, upon a solid and permanent 


27th May, 1782. 

The Speaker reported that the House had attended his Grace, 
the Lord Lieutenant, in the House of Peers, when his Grace was 
pleased to make a speech to both Houses of Parliament, of which 
he had obtained a copy, which he read, and is as follows. 

My Lords and Gentlemen, 

It gives me the utmost satisfaction, that the first time I 
have occasion to address you, I find myself enabled, by the mag- 
nanimity of the King, and the wisdom of the Parliament of Great 
Britain, to assure you that immediate attention has been paid to 
your representations ; and that the British legislature have con- 
curred in a resolution to remove the causes of your discontents 
and jealousies, and are united in a desire to gratify every wish, 
expressed in your late Addresses to the throne. 

If any thing could add to the pleasure I feel in giving you these 
assurances, it is that I can accompany them with my congratu- 
lations on the important and decisive victory, gained by the 
fleets of his Majesty, over those of our common enemy in the 
West Indies, and on the signal advantage obtained by his Majesty's 
arms in the island of Ceylon and on the coast of Coromandel. 




By the papers, which in obedience to his Majesty's commands, 
I have directed to be laid before you, you will receive the most 
convincing testimony of the cordial reception which your repre- 
sentations have met with, from the legislature of Great Britain ; 
but his Majesty, whose first and most anxious wish is to exercise 
his royal prerogative, in such a manner as may be most conducive 
to the welfare of all his faithful subjects, has further given it me 
in command, to assure you of his gracious disposition to give his 
royal assent to Acts, to prevent the suppression of bills in the 
privv council of this kingdom, and the alteration of them any 
where, and to limit the duration of the act for the better regulation 
and accommodation of his Majesty's forces in this kingdom, for 
the term of two years. 

These benevolent intentions of his Majesty, and the willingness 
of his Parliament of Great Britain to second his gracious purposes, 
are unaccompanied by any stipulation or condition whatever, the 
good faith, the generosity, the honor of this nation, afford them 
the surest pledge of a corresponding disposition on your part, to 
promote and perpetuate the harmony, the stability and the glory 
of the empire. 

On my own part, I entertain not the least doubt but that the same 
spirit, which urged you to share the freedom of Great Britain, will 
confirm you in your determination to share her fate also — standing 
and falling with the British nation. 

Ordered, That his Grace, the Lord Lieutenant's speech be 
entered in the journals of this House. 

A motion was made, and agreed to, that an humble address be 
presented to his Majesty. 

Mr. Secretary Fitzpatrick presented to the House, by order of 
his Grace, the Lord Lieutenant, 

Resolutions and Addresses of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal 
of Great Britain, relating to Ireland, 17th May, 1782 : 

Votes of the House of Commons of Great Britain, relating to 
Ireland, 17th May, 1782. 

The titles whereof were read. 

Ordered, That the said papers do lie on the table. 

28th May, 1782. 

The Right Honourable Mr. Fitzpatrick informed the House, 
that his Majesty had been pleased to return a most gracious 
Answer to the Address of this House of the 16th of April, which 
is as follows : 

" George R. 

" His Majesty receives with pleasure the assurances of the 
House of Commons of Ireland, of their unshaken attachment to 
his person and family. 




" It gives his Majesty the highest satisfaction to observe, that in 
their opinion, in which his Majesty perfectly concurs, the consti- 
tutional connexion between Great Britain and Ireland is essential 
to the interests and happiness of both nations, and that it is the 
determination of his people of Ireland to share the fate of, and to 
stand and fall with the British nation. 

" His Majesty conceives that these principles cannot fail to con- 
tribute to the accomplishment of his earnest desire to remove all 
causes of discontent and jealousy ; with that view his Majesty has 
recommended this weighty and important subject to the consider- 
ation of his Parliaments of both kingdoms, trusting that their 
united wisdom will suggest such measures as may terminate in a 
final adjustment to their mutual satisfaction. 

" With the ^ame view his Majesty intends forthwith to communi- 
cate to the Lords and Commons of Great Britain, the Addresses 
of the Lords and Commons of Ireland. 

" G. R." 

Address in Answer. 


The humble Address of the Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses in 
Parliament assembled. 

Most Gracious Sovereign, 

We your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the 
Commons of Ireland in parliament assembled, beg leave to assure 
your Majesty of our unfeigned affection to your royal person and 
government, and that we feel most sensibly the attention which 
our representations have received from the magnanimity of your 
Majesty, and the wisdom of the parliament of Great Britain. 

We assure your Majesty, that we conceive the resolution for an 
unqualified, unconditional repeal of the 6th of George I. to be a 
measure of consummate wisdom and justice, suitable to the dignity 
and eminence of both nations, exalting the character of both, and 
furnishing a perpetual pledge of mutual amity. 

We assure your Majesty, that we are sensibly affected by your 
virtuous determination to accede to the wishes, of your faithful 
people, and to exercise your royal prerogative in a manner most 
conducive to their welfare ; and accordingly we shall immediately 
prepare bills to carry into execution the desires* of your Majesty's 
people and your own most benevolent purposes. 

Gratified in those particulars, we do assure your Majesty, that 
no constitutional question between the two nations will any longer 
exist, which can interrupt their harmony, and that Great Britain, 
as she has approved of our firmness, so may she rely on our 

We remember and do repeat our determination, to stand and 
fall with the British nation. 

We perceive with pleasure, the magnanimity of your Majesty 
disclaims the little policy of making a bargain with your people, 
and feeling with pride the confidence your Majesty reposes in the 

Append ix.~\ 



good faith, generosity, and honour of the Irish nation ; we answer 
with all humility, that your Majesty entertains a just sense of our 
character. Common interest, perpetual connexion, the recent 
conduct of Great Britain, a native affection to the British name 
and nation, together with the constitution which we have recovered, 
and the high reputation which we possess, must ever decide the 
wishes as well as the interest of Ireland, to perpetuate the harmony, 
stability, and glory of the Empire. 

We assure your Majesty, that we learn with singular satisfac- 
tion the account of your brilliant successes in the East and West 
Indies, gratified at one and the same instant in our dearest wishes, 
the freedom of Ireland and glory of Great Britain. 

We cannot omit expressing our gratitude to your Majesty, for 
appointing the Duke of Portland to the government of this king- 
dom. We are convinced his representations were faithful, vigorous, 
and beneficial. 

We are acquainted with his character, and relying on his 
upright and frugal administration, make no doubt that a free 
people and an uncorrupt parliament will unite to give a consti- 
tutional chief governor decided support. 

We have presumed to lay before your Majesty our genuine 
sentiments on the change of our situation. Your Majesty will 
receive them as the voluntary, unstipulated tribute of a free and 
grateful people. 

28th, May 1782. 
Address of thanks to his Grace the Lord Lieutenant. 


Lord Lieutcnant-General, and General Governor of Ireland. 

The humble Address of the Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses in 
Parliament assembled. 

May it please your Grace, 

We, his Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the 
Commons of Ireland in parliament assembled, beg leave to express 
our most unfeigned acknowledgments for your excellent speech 
from the throne ; and we do beseech your Grace to be assured, 
that these are not the trite expressions of mere formal duty, but 
the pure effusions of genuine gratitude from a free people to a 
chief governor, who has announced from the throne the ratifica- 
tion of their freedom. Descended from a line of constitutional 
ancestors, inheriting their principles with their blood, the ap- 
pointment of your Grace to the government of this country was 
an earnest given by a beneficent prince, of those gracious inten- 
tions which he has since so fully manifested to his people ; and 
amidst the entire satisfaction which we experience from the 
important information which your Grace has been pleased to 
communicate, we cannot but rejoice that the name of Bentinck, so 
intimately connected with the great era of British liberty, will be; 




handed down to the latest posterity, inseparably blended with the 
full and perfect establishment of the constitution of Ireland. And 
we have the best founded expectations, that a nobleman in whose 
virtues both countries have the justest confidence, will for ever 
cement those friendly and affectionate dispositions, which it is our 
earnest wish should at all times mutually continue between the 
two countries. 

His Grace the DuJcc of Portland's Ansuoer. 
Gentlemen, soth May, 1782. 

I return you my most sincere thanks for your kind and 
affectionate Address, and receive with singular pleasure your 
animated and honourable expressions^ gratitude and entire satis- 
faction, arising from those declarations which the benign wisdom 
of his Majesty and the British parliament has enabled me to make 
from the throne. I shall think mj^self fortunate indeed, if the 
period of my administration of this country shall prove the era 
of reciprocal and inseparable affection between Great Britain and 
Ireland, an era sacred to every friend, as it is formidable to every 
enemy of the British empire. 

29th May, 1782. 

Resolved, That this House will, to-morrow morning, resolve 
itself into a committee of the whole House, to take into consider- 
ation what sum of money it may be proper to grant for the pur- 
pose of purchasing an estate, and building a mansion, to be settled 
on Henry Grattan, Esq. in such manner as the committee 
shall think fit, in testimony of our gratitude for the unequalled 
services that he has done this kingdom. 

30th May, 1782. 

The House, according to order, resolved itself into a com- 
mittee of the whole House, to take into consideration what sum 
of money it may be proper to grant for the purpose of purchasing 
an estate, and building a mansion, to be settled on Henry Grat- 
tan, Esq. in such manner as the committee shall think fit, in 
testimony of our gratitude for the unequalled services that he has 
done this kingdom; and after some time spent therein, Mr. 
Speaker resumed the chair, and Sir Henry Hartstonge reported 
from the committee, that they had cOme to a resolution in the 
matter to them referred, which he was directed to report when 
the House will please to receive the same. 

A message from the Lords, by Mr Walker and Mr. Vesey, 
two of the Masters in Chancery, that the Lords have come to a 
resolution, concurring in substance with the resolution of this 
House, communicated to their Lordships by the message of 
yesterday, to which they desire the concurrence of this House. 

And then the messengers withdrew. 

Appendix. ] 



Resolved, That the House do immediately take the said 
message into consideration. 

Then the said resolution was read, and is as follows : 
Resolved, by the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, in 
Parliament assembled, That an humble Address be presented to his 
Grace the Lord Lieutenant, to request that his Grace will be pleased 
to represent to his Majesty, that we are so impressed with sentiments 
of gratitude to divine Providence, for the many blessings bestowed 
of late on this kingdom, and particularly for that union, harmony, 
and cordial affection which now happily subsist between his two 
kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland, whose interests are inse- 
parably the same ; and for the great and signal success of his 
Majesty's arms in the East and West Indies ; that we have the 
most sincere and cordial disposition to express our unfeigned 
thankfulness to Almighty God for these his mercies to both king- 
doms ; and that whenever his Majesty shall please to appoint a day 
of public thanksgiving in this kingdom, there will not, as we 
humbly conceive, be any one person throughout this nation who 
will not most cordially and sincerely join in the religious ob- 
servation thereof. 

Resolved, That this House do concur with the Lords in the said 
resolution, and that the blank be filled up with the words " and 

Ordered, That Mr. Lowther do carry the same to the Lords, 
and acquaint them that this House hath agreed to the same. 

3 1 st May, 1782. 

Sir Henry Hartslonge, according to order, reported from the 
committee of the whole House, appointed to take into consider- 
ation what sum of money it may be proper to grant for the pur- 
pose of purchasing an estate, and building a mansion, to be settled 
on Henry Grattak, Esq. in such manner as the committee shall 
think fit, in testimony of our gratitude for the unequalled services 
that he has done this kingdom, the resolution which the com- 
mittee had directed him to report to the House, which he read in 
his place, and after delivered in at the table, where the same was 
read, and is as follows : 

Resolved, That it is the opinion of this committee, that an 
humble Address be presented to his Grace the Lord Lieutenant, 
that he will be pleased to lay before his Majesty the humble desire 
of this House, that he will direct the sum of fifty thousand 
pounds to be laid out in the purchase of lands in this kingdom, to 
be settled on Henry Grattan, Esq. and his heirs, in testimony 
of the gratitude of this nation for his eminent and unequalled 
sen-ices to this kingdom, and that this House will make good the 

Resolved nem. con., That this House do agree with the com- 
mittee in the said resolution. 

s 2 




Resolved, That an humble Address be presented to his Grace 
the Lord Lieutenant, that he will be pleased to lay before his 
Majesty the humble desire of this House, that he will direct the 
sum of fifty thousand pounds to be laid out in the purchase of 
lands in this kingdom, to be settled on Henry Grattan, Esq. 
and his heirs, in testimony of the gratitude of this nation for his 
eminent and unequalled services to this kingdom, and that this 
House will make good the same. 

Ordered, That such members of this House, as are of his 
Majesty's most honourable privy council, do attend his Grace the 
Lord Lieutenant with the said Address, and lay the same before 
his Grace, as the Address of this House. 

1st June, 1782. 

The Right Honourable Mr. Fitzpatrick reported to the House, 
that their Address in favour of Henry Grattan, Esq. had been 
presented to his Grace the Lord Lieutenant, and that his Grace 
will transmit the same accordingly. 


ilth June, 1782. 

Mr. Secretary Fox presented to the House, according to order, 
a Bill for repealing an Act, made in the sixth year of the reign of 
his late Majesty King George the First, entitled, " An Act for the 
better securing the dependency of the Kingdom of Ireland upon 
the Crown of Great Britain." 

The same was received and read a first time. 

Resolved, That the Bill be read a second time. 

Ordered, That the Bill be read a second time to-morrow 

12th June, 1782. 

Ordered, That the order of the day for the second reading of 
the Bill for repealing an Act, made in the sixth year of the reign 
of his late Majesty King George the First, entitled, " An Act for 
the better securing the dependency of the Kingdom of Ireland 
upon the Crown of Great Britain," be now read. 

The said Bill was read a second time. 

Resolved, That the said Bill be committed. 

Resolved, That the said Bill be committed to a committee of 
the whole House. 

Resolved, That this House will to-morrow morning resolve 
itself into a committee of the whole House upon the said Bill. 




1 3th June, 1782. 

Ordered, That the order of* the day, for the House to resolve 
itself into a committee of the whole House, upon the Bill for 
repealing an Act, made in the sixth year of the reign of his late 
Majesty King George the First, entitled, 44 An Act for the better 
securing the dependency of the Kingdom of Ireland upon the 
Crown of Great Britain," be now read. 

And the said order being read accordingly, the House resolved 
itself into the said committee. 

The Speaker left the chair. 

Mr. Secretary Fox took the chair of the committee ; he then 
reported from the committee. 

The report was received with the amendments made to the Bill, 
Ordered, That the Bill, with the amendments, be engrossed. 


13th June, 1782. 

Mr. Secretary Fitzpatrick informed the House, that his Ma- 
jesty had been pleased to return a most gracious answer to the 
Address of the House, of the 28th of May ; — it was as follows : 
" George R. 

" His Majesty has received with the most sincere satisfac- 
tion, the dutiful and loyal Address of his House of Commons of 
Ireland. His Majesty assures his faithful Commons of his 
affectionate acceptance of their grateful acknowledgments, for the 
attention which his Majesty and the Parliament of Great Britain 
have shown to their representations, and which they so justly 
consider as furnishing a perpetual pledge of mutual amity. 

" The declarations of the House of Commons, that no constitu- 
tional question between the two nations will any longer exist, that 
can interrupt their harmony, and that Great Britain may rely on 
their affections, are very pleasing to his Majesty. 

" His Majesty is fully convinced, by their present professions of 
entire satisfaction and dutiful attachment, that his Majesty always 
entertained a just sense of their character; the zeal which they have 
shown to perpetuate the harmony, and their determination to 
uphold the glory of the empire, justify his Majesty for having on 
his part, given the most unequivocal proofs of his royal confidence 
in the honor and good faith of the Irish nation. 

« G. 11." 


14th June. 

An engrossed Bill, for repealing an Act made in the sixth year 
of the leign of his late Majesty King George I., entitled " An Act 

s 3 




for the better securing the dependency of the Kingdom of Ireland 
upon the Crown of Great Britain," was read a third time. 

Resolved, nem. con. That the Bill do pass ; and that the title 
be, " An Act for repealing an Act made in the sixth year of the 
reign of his late Majesty King George L, entitled * An Act 
for the better securing the dependency of the Kingdom of Ireland 
upon the Crown of Great Britain.' " 

Ordered, That Mr. Secretary Fox do carry the Bill to the 
Lords, and desire their concurrence. 

18th June. 

A message from the Lords by Mr. Montague and Mr. Leeds. 

Mr. Speaker— The Lords have passed a Bill, entitled " An Act 
to repeal an Act made in the sixth year," &c. to which the 
Lords desire the concurrence of this House. And then the mes- 
sengers withdrew. 

An engrossed Bill from the Lords was read a first time. 

Resolved, That it be read a second time. It was read a second 

Resolved, That it be read a third time to-morrow. 

20th June. 

Ordered, That the order of the day for the third reading of the 
engrossed Bill from the Lords, entitled " An Act to repeal an Act," 
&c. be now read. And the said order was read accordingly. 

Resolved, That the Bill do pass. 

21st June. 

A message by Sir Francis Molyneux, gentleman usher of the 
black rod. 

Mr. Speaker — The Lords authorized by virtue of his Majesty's 
commission, for directing the royal assent to an Act agreed upon 
by both Houses, desires the immediate attendance of this hon- 
ourable House in the House of Peers to hear the Commission 

Accordingly, Mr. Speaker, with the House, went up to the 
House of Peers, and being returned,— 

Mr. Speaker reported, That the House, at the desire of the 
Lords authorized by virtue of his Majesty's commission, had been 
at the House of Peers, when a commission under the great seal 
was read, giving, declaring and certifying the royal assent to a 
public Bill therein mentioned ; and also requiring the Lord Arch- 
bishop of Canterbury, the Lord High Chancellor of Great Britain, 
the Lord President of the Council, the Lord Privy Seal, and seve- 
ral of the Lords, to declare and certify the royal assent to the said 
bill. And the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord High 
Chancellor of Great Britain, and the Lord Ashburton, named also 
in said commission, did accordingly declare and certify the royal 
assent to the said Bill. 





23d July. 

Mr. G rattan reported from the committee appointed to draw up 
an Address of thanks to his Grace the Lord Lieutenant, for his just, 
wise, and constitutional administration, that they had prepared 
the following Address. 

May it please your Grace, 

We, his Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the 
Commons of Ireland in parliament assembled, beg leave, at the 
conclusion of a session which hath not been more beneficial to this 
country than honourable to your Grace, to approach your Grace 
with the most unfeigned expressions of satisfaction. 

At the close of this session we shall have seen, under your 
Grace's administration, the judges rendered independent of the 
crown, the law for the punishment of mutiny and desertion 
abridged in its duration, and so altered as to become a vindication 
of the constitution ; the jurisdiction of the hereditary judges of 
the land restored ; the vicious mode of passing laws, which was 
heretofore exercised in this country, reformed ; and the sole and 
exclusive right of legislation, external as well as internal, in the 
Irish parliament, firmly asserted on the part of Ireland, and un- 
equivocally acknowledged on the part of Great Britain. 

We shall have seen this great national arrangement established 
on a basis which secures the tranquillity of Ireland, and unites the 
affections as well as interests of both kingdoms. W r hen we consi- 
der how long we had been labouring for those great and important 
objects, and that they have been accomplished in the short period 
of your Grace's administration, we should be wanting in justice to 
your Grace if we did not acknowledge your virtue. 

Your Grace will have the consummate satisfaction of reflecting 
that the name of Bentinch will remain engraven on our hearts, and 
that whenever your Grace shall withdraw from the administration 
of affairs in this country, an event we shall most sincerely lament, 
you will be attended (not by the forced and jaded benedictions of 
an oppressed province, but) by the manly and dignified love of a 
free people, restored to liberty by their own great exertions, 
rendered effectual under your auspicious government, and by your 
powerful assistance. 

We might enlarge on your eminent integrity, your faithful re- 
presentations, your constitutional lineage, and your hereditary 
principles ; we have felt their effects, and leave it to history to do 
you justice. 

To which his Grace returned the following Answer, 

Gentlemen of the House of Commons, 

I receive this affectionate Address with the most sincere 
satisfaction. Attached by education and habit to the principles of 
the English constitution, and sensible that the benefits of it ought 
s 4 




to be extended to this kingdom, it gives me a particular pleasure 
to have been in any degree instrumental in restoring it to that situ- 
ation in which it has long deserved to be placed. 

To settle the constitution of Ireland upon a secure foundation, 
and to unite its interests and affections with those of Great Britain, 
were the principal objects of my administration ; and I am happy 
to learn that you consider those objects as accomplished. 

Your approbation has gratified every ambition of my heart; and 
I should ill deserve your acknowledgments if I did not feel the 
value of the gratitude of a free people, and in every situation 
of life consider myself as bound to promote the interest and hap- 
piness of his Majesty's subjects of this kingdom. 

The 10th of Henry VII. chap. 4. — Irish. 

An Act that no parliament be holden in this land, until the Acts 
be certified into England. 

Item, at the request of the Commons of the land of Ireland, be 
it ordained, enacted and established, That at the next Parliament 
that there shall be holden by the King's commandent and licence, 
wherein amongst other, the King's Grace intendeth to have a gene- 
ral resumption of his whole revenues sith the last day of the reign 
of King Edward the Second, no Parliament be holden hereafter in 
the said land, but at such season as the King's Lieutenant and 
counsail there first do certifie the King under the great seal of that 
land the causes and considerations and all such Acts as them 
seemeth should pass in the same Parliament, and such causes, con- 
siderations and Acts affirmed by the King and his counsail to be 
good and expedient for that land, and his licence thereupon, as 
well in affirmation of the said causes and Acts, as to summon the 
said Parliament under his great seal of England had and obtained ; 
that done, a Parliament to be had and holden after the form and 
effect before rehearsed : and if any Parliament be holden in that 
land hereafter, contrary to the form and provision aforesaid, it be 
deemed void and of none effect in law. 

This Act was further explained by the 3 and 4 Philip and 
Mary, chap. 4. 

Anno Sexto Geo. I. chap 5. — British. 

An Act for the better securing the dependency of the kingdom 
of Ireland upon the crown of Great Britain. 

I. Whereas the House of Lords of Ireland have of late, against 
law, assumed to themselves a power and jurisdiction, to examine, 
correct and amend the judgments and decrees of the courts of 
justice in the kingdom of Ireland ; therefore for the better securing 
of the dependency of Ireland upon the crown of Great Britain, 
may it please your Most Excellent Majesty, that it may be declared, 

* This law was abrogated by 22 & 23 Geo. III. c. 47. regulating the mode 
of passing bills and summoning Parliaments in Ireland. 




and be it declared by the King's Most Excellent Majesty, by and 
with the advice and consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal 
and Commons, in this present Parliament assembled, and by the 
authority of the same, that the said kingdom of Ireland hath been, 
is, and of right ought to be subordinate unto, and dependent upon 
the imperial crown of Great Britain, as being inseparably united 
and annexed thereunto ; and that the King's Majesty, by and 
with the advice and consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal 
and Commons of Great Britain, in Parliament assembled, had, hath, 
and of right ought to have, full power and authority to make laws 
and statutes, of sufficient force and validity, to bind the kingdom 
and people of Ireland. 

II. And be it further declared and enacted by the authority 
aforesaid, that the House of Lords of Ireland have not, nor of right 
ought to have, any jurisdiction to judge of, affirm, or reverse any 
judgment, sentence, or decree, given or made in any court within 
the said kingdom ; and that all proceedings before the said House 
of Lords upon any such judgment, sentence or decree, are, and 
are hereby declared to be utterly^null and void, to all intents and 
purposes whatsoever. 

22 Geo. III. chap. 53. — British. 

An Act to repeal an Act made in the sixth year of the reign of 
his late Majesty King George L entitled " An Act for the better 
securingthe dependency of the Kingdom of Ireland upon the Crown 
of Great Britain." 

Whereas an Act was passed in the sixth year of the reign of his 
late Majesty King George I. entitled " An Act for the better se- 
curingthe dependency of the Kingdom of Ireland upon the Crown 
of Great Britain," may it please your Most Excellent Majesty, 
that it may be enacted, and be it enacted by the King's Most Ex- 
cellent Majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the Lords 
Spiritual and Temporal and Commons in this present Parliament 
assembled, and by the authority of the same, that from and after 
passing of this Act, the above mentioned Act, and the several 
matters and things therein contained, shall be, and is, and arc 
hereby repealed. 


At a Meeting of several of the Independent Electors of the county 
of Leitrim, held at Castle Carrigan, on Tuesday the 22d of June, 
1785, the following Address was unanimously agreed to, and 
that Geo. Nugent Reynolds, Esq. do transmit the same. 

To the Right Hon. Henry Grattan. 


The dignified perseverance with which you have vindi- 
cated the rights of your country, the splendour of those abilities, 
which, assisted by the voice of nature, have heretofore imposed 
silence on corruption, and overturned all opposition to a legal de- 


commercial propositions. [Appendix. 

claration of the constitutional rights of this kingdom, render lan- 
guage inadequate to the expression of our feelings. Blessed with 
those extraordinary abilities which irresistably arrest our confidence 
and the admiration of mankind, we look up to you, Sir, in time of 
danger, as one sent by Providence to rouse and cherish the spirit 
of the Irish nation, and to defend those bulwarks which have been 
so gloriously erected by your own hands. The attack is now made 
upon those new raised works, but you have nobly taken the field, 
and planted your infallible battery against the odious English pro- 
positions, which were calculated to defraud us of the fruits of the 
. victory which you had so honourably obtained for us. You had all 
the men of Ireland then at your back ; there you will find them on 
the present occasion. You were then right, you are so now ; 
much is expected from you, but not more than you are able to 
perform ; the object is proportionable to your mental qualities, and 
you will not the less exert them. 


Mr. Grattans Answer, 


I was favoured with your Address of the 22d of last 
June, on the subject of the twenty propositions, now depending in 
the Lords' House of the British Parliament, and purporting to settle 
the trade of Ireland. I have declared my sentiments upon them. 
The privileges and rights of Ireland I have constantly defended, 
and hope they may be transmitted to our latest posterity. I am 
happy to possess your favourable opinion, and am proud of 
having deserved it. 

I am, Gentlemen, 

With the greatest respect, 

Your most humble Servant, 
Tennehinch, 2d July, 1785. HENRY GRATTAN. 

Dublin, 19th August, 1789. 


Whereas under the circumstances of our renovated constitu- 
tion, we deem it necessary that a constant and unremitting watch 
should be kept against every step of encroachment upon those 
rights which have been lately re-established, and for the safety of 
which we cannot but apprehend more danger from an administra- 
tion which has already insidiously attempted to infringe them, 
than we should from a ministry formed by those men under whose 
power, and with whose concurrence they were originally restored 
to us, and whose principles we must approve, because they are our 

* Jn consequence of the proceedings resorted to by government, at and after 
the period of the regency, the Opposition deemed it advisable to form a select 
body on constitutional principles; and hence originated the Irish Whig Club. 




And whereas, at the present critical juncture, (when, besides 
many other alarming symptoms, we clearly perceive a settled and 
premeditated plan to sap the liberty of Ireland, by overwhelming 
her with expences and consequent debt, in order to the increase 
of unconstitutional influence in her parliament,) it is expedient to 
adopt every measure which may contribute to bring and to keep 
together men of genuine whig principles, and consequently ardent 
lovers of their country and of its liberties, we think it may be 
useful to institute a society of congenial characters, under the 
appellation of the Whig Club, so styled from the principles and 
motives of its constituents. 

And that every candidate for this club may be fully apprized of 
the motives and intentions of those with whom he wishes to asso- 
ciate, we have framed the following body of resolutions and de- 
clarations, to be perused and subscribed by all such candidates 
previously to their admission. 

Resolved, That the great object of this society is the constitu- 
tion of the realm, as settled by the revolution in Great Britain and 
Ireland in 1688, and re-established in Ireland in 1782. 

That we will support and maintain as a principle object and 
fundamental part of that constitution, the 


And above all, that great indispensible right of the subjects 
of this realm, to be free from, and independent on, the authority of 
any Parliament or legislature whatsoever, save only the Parliament 
of Ireland ; that is to say, the King of Ireland, and the Lords and 
Commons of this realm. 

We, therefore, protest against and abjure, as illegal and crimi- 
nal, a doctrine*, which, on a late occasion has been advanced, 
" That the Parliament of another country had, in the appointment 
of a Regent over this realm, a legislative authority." 

We declare, that the Parliament of Ireland, that is to say, the 
King of Ireland and the Lords and Commons thereof, are the 
only legislature of this realm. 

And we further declare, that as far as in us lies, we will endea- 
vour to preserve to this country, in all times to come, a Parlia- 
ment of her own, residing within this realm, and exclusively in- 
vested with all parliamentary privileges and powers. 

That we will for ever support and maintain the constitutional 
rights and dignity of the imperial crown of Ireland; and we do 
abjure, as illegal and criminal, a doctrine lately advanced, That 
His Majesty legislates in Ireland as King of Great Britain, in 
as much as said doctrine is not founded in our laws, militates 
against our constitution, affects to depose the King of Ireland, 
and tends to dissolve the principles of our allegiance and our 

* Sec the speech of Mr. Fitzgibbon, (afterwards Lord Clare,) then Attorney 
General. Irish Parliamentary Debates, vol. ix. 




That the best and surest method of preserving the constitu- 
tional rights of the crown is to preserve and transmit the same in 
succession in the House of Brunswick. 

That we shall ever adhere to the principles which directed the 
Lords and Commons of Ireland, when, on a late melancholy occa- 
sion, they addressed His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales to 
take on himself, during his Royal Father's indisposition, the admi- 
nistration of affairs, free from occasional and unconstitutional 
restrictions, such restrictions being more calculated to answer the 
views of ambition, than to preserve liberty, or to promote the solid 
interests of the empire. 

That we shall ever maintain and vindicate the principle and 
justice which actuated our Parliament, when, on behalf of the 
people of this realm, they did impose a public and merited censure 
on his Excellency the Marquis of Buckingham, for his ill-advised, 
unwarranted, and unconstitutional conduct. 

That we will ever maintain, as sacred and indissoluble, our con- 
nection with Great Britain, being, in our opinion, indispensibly 
necessary for the freedom of this kingdom in particular, and for 
the freedom, strength, and prosperity of the empire in general. 

We have set forth the great principles and objects of the Whig 
Club ; and we have formed this society because we apprehend 
some of those objects are in danger. 

The rights of the people of Ireland have been publicly and 
ministerially questioned by the present chief governor. A right 
in the Parliament of another country to make laws for this king- 
dom, in the case of a Regency, has been, by the ministers of the 
crown in Ireland, advanced and defended. The competency of 
the two Houses of the Irish Parliament on a late occasion has 
been denied. The legislative capacity of the King of Ireland has 
been denied, and the great seal of another country held up as a 
substitute for the imperial crown of this realm. The undue in- 
fluence of the crown over both Houses of Parliament has been of 
late, beyond all example, increased. 

A pension bill has been rejected by the influence of the present 
ministers of Ireland. A place bill has been rejected by the same 
influence. A bill for the better securing the freedom of election 
by disqualifying revenue officers from voting for members to serve 
in Parliament, has been rejected by the same influence. The 
present extravagant, ineffectual, and unconstitutional police of 
the city of Dublin has been continued and patronized by the same 
influence. All proceedings in Parliament to remove the grievance, 
or censure the abuse, has been resisted and defeated by the same 
influence. The expediency of combating by corruption a consti- 
tutional majority in Parliament has been publicly avowed, and 
the principle so avowed has been in part carried into execution. 

Honours, as we apprehend, have been sold*, and the money 
deposited for the purpose of purchasing seats in the Commons for 
the dependants of administration, in order to procure for the minister 

* See Irish Parliamentary Debates, vol. x. and xi. ; also Mr. Grattan'^ 
Speeches, vol. ii. page 279. 

Appendix. ~\ 



a majority in Parliament ; for the same corrupt purpose, useless 
offices have been created or revived. Boards, for the same un- 
constitutional and venal purpose, have been divided. Sinecure 
offices split to multiply the number of commissioners, for no other 
purpose than to increase the influence of the minister and gratify 
the individual. 

For the same venal purpose, and with as little colour or pre- 
tence, salaries have been augmented to increase the parliamentary 
influence of the minister, at the expence of the nation. 

A plan of intimidation has aided and abetted the views of cor- 
ruption ; and members of Parliament have, by the minister, been 
expressly threatened with being made " the victims of their 
votes," or have been displaced for no reason or pretence whatever, 
except their constitutional conduct in Parliament. 

That we apprehend those proceedings and principles avow a 
design to govern this country unconstitutionally, and must, if 
successful, render the minister absolute in the Parliament of 
Ireland by corruption. 

That this danger is the more to be apprehended, because there 
is no fixed or adequate responsibility in the situations of the 
persons who direct the affairs of this country ; and the minister of 
Ireland, however culpable, is but too likely to elude public justice. 

That to redress, as far as in us lies, these grievances, we have 
formed this society, and, — 

Resolved, That in whatever situation we shall stand, we will 
exert our endeavours, by all legal and constitutional means, to 
annul and do away all the expences and charges above alluded to; 
and, in order to secure this country against the repetition of such 
grievances, we further resolve to struggle by the same means for 
the attainment of those objects, which, at the close of the last 
session were proposed by the minority in Parliament, and resisted 
by the minister. 

And whereas, in the year 1785, on the credit of a commercial 
adjustment, which, for reasons never to be forgotten, did not take 
place, new taxes, to the amount £140,000 per ami., were granted 
under an engagement that the economy of the minister should 
co-operate with the bounty of Parliament, to prevent the excess 
of expence above income; we, therefore, think it the more incum- 
bent on us, as far as in us lies, to resist the present extravagance 
of government, being a direct breach of the faith of ministers 
pledged on that occasion, as well as the certain means of increas- 
ing the taxes and the debt of the nation, to supply expences 
incurred with a design to diminish her integrity and undermine 
her freedom. 

Resolved, That no person elected into this club shall be consi- 
dered as a member thereof, till he has subscribed to the above 
resolutions and declarations. 

Resolved, That these resolutions be printed for the use of the 

Signed by order, 





Monday, 2d August, 1790. 

At a Meeting of the Whig Club, this day, the Club resolved itself 
into a Committee to prepare their vindication.* 
The Committee. 

The Duke of Leinster reported the resolution of the committee, 
which was accordingly read and unanimously agreed to, and is as 
follows : 

That we have seen a publication containing various and extra- 
ordinary charges against the members of this society, comparing 
them to those of " Porter-Clubs, and such like low and riotous 
meetings ;" and further alleging " that they are persons of the 
grossest ignorance ; that they have shown that ignorance particu- 
larly in their late resolution on behalf of the rights of the subject, 
and that they have discovered, on this occasion, as great a per- 
version of sense as ever distracted the human brain." 

That we should have passed by such a publication as one of 
those flippant productions, with which the present ministers of 
the crown, by their writers, vilify the people, if said empty paper 
did not affect to call itself the speech of the Chancellor. That 
we could wish the composition had confined itself to us, and had 
not spread its foul contents among the Common Council of Dublin, 
and the citizens in general, on behalf of their privileges legally 
assembled. We are sorry to have given any one an occasion to 
aggravate their present situation, and to overwhelm with a torrent 
of abuse, men already struggling under great wrong. 

We cannot avoid expressing our disapprobation of such a mala- 
pert way of addressing the people, a disregard for whom, under 
any government, is unwise, under a free government, graceless, 
and in a minister, disqualification to hold the reins of power. We 
have not forgotten the gross language once before offered to the 
people — it was when they defended their country against the famous 
propositions. We flattered ourselves that we should never again 
be witness to the like froward discourse. The citizens, however, 
will bear with patience an evil, it seems they only share in common 
with the rest of their fellow subjects. As for ourselves, observ- 
ations falling from no superior height of public virtue, make no 

The author of the publication asserts, that the act of council, to 
which our resolution of the former meeting refers, was strictly 
legal ; but it is not in a free country that the assertion of any one 
man can decide. Had assertion been sufficient, there was not want- 
ing prompt and flippant assertion against all your exertions. You 
had the assertion of great law officers against your declaration of 

* In consequence of a gross attack made on their society, in a speech of 
the Chancellor, (Lord Clare.) 

Duke of Leinster, 
Earl of Moira, 
Earl of Charlemont. 

Mr. Grattan, 

Mr. Curran, 

Sir Edward Newenham, 

Mr. Egan, 

Mr. Hamilton Rowan. 

Earl of Arran, 
Mr. Ponsonby, 




right — you had their assertion in favour of the famous propo- 
sitions — and you had their assertion that the King legislated in 
Ireland, as King of Great Britain, and that the British Parlia- 
ment could make, for certain jiurposes, a statute Regent for Ireland, 
and that a Regent so made, could supersede the one appointed by 
your own Parliament. This nation paid but little regard to such 
assertions ; and whatever she has acquired in constitution and 
consideration, is due to her wisdom in holding such assertions, 
and the assertors thereof, as men fallible and suspicious. 

The author of the paper is made to declare, that the rejection 
of Alderman Howison, and the approving Alderman James, was a 
necessary act of public duty. Here we are concerned to be obliged 
directly to contradict the author. It was not a necessary act of 
public duty ; it was not necessary, however proper at that parti- 
cular time, to approve of cither, for the parties might have been 
sent back to a new election ; but if approbation of either was 
unavoidable, it was not necessary to give the preference in favour 
of Alderman James, who could not serve, and to reject Alderman 
Howison, who was legally elected. 

To prove the truth of this part of the speech, three things are 
indispensible, none of which are fact. 1st, That the parties could 
not have been sent back to a new election. 2d, That the council 
could not by law approve of Alderman Howison. 3d, That they 
could not by law refuse Alderman James. 

On the first great part of the defence, we must then observe, that 
it is not founded in fact ; that it advances the plea of necessity, 
which notoriously did not exist ; and that the resorting to such a 
plea, bespeaks in the author a secret conviction, that such a proceed- 
ing can be excused by nothing else but the plea of necessity. 
From a misrepresentation of fact, in the outset of the defence, the 
author of the speech proceeds to promise, that he will prove his 
point to the conviction of mankind — the most unlettered man. 
But first, he stops to reflect on the peers ; and the author of the 
speech condemns two noble lords for expressing their sentiments 
on a point of right, which may afterwards come before them as 
judges. Their lordships, however, if they wished to shelter 
themselves under authority, have it, and on this very point, 
in the person of the Lord Chancellor, who did declare in the 
presence of the parties and the public, his law opinion very early 
on this very question, of which opinion the public were, by 
himself and his friends, fully possessed ; and the public is much de- 
ceived, if his early and erroneous opinion on this subject has not 
been the principal cause of the disgrace of the government and 
the ferment of the city. The noble lords will not, however, shelter 
themselves under his authority ; they conceive, that however im- 
proper to declare an early opinion in case of private property, yet, 
where privileges are violated, where corporate rights are attack- 
ed, it is not unbecoming the peers of the realm to take an early 
part, and to consider themselves not merely as hereditary judges, 
but (what they value more infinitely) as hereditary freemen, bound 
by interest, bound by affection, and now by the offences of 
His Majesty's ministers and their contumely, bound more than 


I Appendix, 

ever to make common cause with their countrymen ; they should 
have thought they betrayed the liberties of .their country, if they 
bad waited for three years, the term idly prescribed to the citizens 
to amuse themselves in the courts of justice, and we say for our- 
selves, without presuming to dictate to others, that whenever the 
ministers of the crown shall, as in the present case, attack the 
rights of the people, we shall always be forthcoming ; uniting with 
our fellow subjects in common defence and common danger. 

The author of the speech proceeds to give the public, on the 
present question, historic information ; and he informs us, that the 
right of electing the Lord Mayor was vested, by bye laws, in the 
board of aldermen solely. We know it, and we further know, and 
from this admission are instructed to collect, that the Commons 
were, by force of those bye laws, ousted of that share in the election 
of the Lord Mayor, which they had before under charters ; and it 
is an addition to the case of the Commons, that they now desire 
nothing but .what they have already, by express Act of Parliament, 
and until ousted, as is now confessed, by force of bye laws, had 
original^ by charter. 

The author of the speech informs us, that it was by the new 
rules the Lord Lieutenant and council got the right of approbation, 
but he adds, that they got no judicial power ; however, we cannot 
forget on a late occasion, that they displayed some things much 
resembling the exercise of a judicial power, when the Chancellor 
limited the lawyers to speak to the abstract point of law, and when 
the books of the corporation were sent for and examined, and the 
corporators interrogated, touching their tests and engagements ; 
however, it is not for us to reconcile this parade of judicial autho- 
rity, with the opinion of the author of the speech denying the 
council any judicial power ; it is sufficient to say, that the observ- 
ation has nothing to do with the question. The question not 
being whether the Lord Lieutenant and council have given an 
erroneous judgment, but whether they have not committed an 
arbitrary and illegal act. 

The author of the speech now approaches the point, and states, 
that the council has not only no judicial power, but no power to 
judge of the legality of the election. Here again we find it im- 
possible to reconcile the opinion of the author with the proceed- 
ings of the council ; for the council, and the Chancellor in par- 
ticular, as a member of that council, did examine publicly, and in 
the presence of the parties, into the merits of the election, and the 
conduct of the ballot, and limited the lawyers to the abstract point 
of law, and interrogated the common councilmen, and explored 
the books and minutes of the corporations and common council, 
and inquired into the tests taken by the different corporations, or 
said to be taken, against electing of police magistrates ; all which 
was, as we conceive, inquiring into facts, and an insistance on matter 
which could relate to nothing but the legality of the election, of 
which the author now asserts the council had no authority to 

The author of the speech proceeds, and explains what power 
the council have, and states it to be a power to approve of the 


whig CLUB. 


man who has, prima facie, the best title. Now the only title any 
man can have is legal election, and the only way of judging who 
has, prima facie, the best title, is to exercise some degree of 
judgment on the legality of his election ; unless the author of the 
speech would say that the Lord Lieutenant and council had de- 
cided that Alderman James had the best prima facie title, without 
exercising in fact any judgment whatever on the subject. Thus 
does the author stand in flat contradiction to himself, and thus 
does he impeach all those proceedings which he affects to defend. 
We might well agree with the author, that the council have only a 
power to return who, prima facie, has the best title ; we might 
add, they are obliged so to do ; and we complain that they rejected 
that alderman, who, prima facie, was elected, and approved of 
that alderman, who, prima facie, was rejected, and decided not 
only against the right, but the colourable title, in favour of the 
man who had neither. 

We have not forgotten, that the Chancellor declared to the 
lawyers, 'tis true, on a superficial reading of the Act of Parlia- 
ment, the words xvill bear out the construction rf the Commons. 

The author proceeds, and explains still further the powers of 
the council, and says that the council is confined to a single 
object, and professing to exemplify a single object he states two. 
The first he states is disaffection, the other personal disability. 
Personal disability is legal incapacity ; disaffection, a wicked per- 
version of mind ; good cause for a complete exclusion from office, 
but which can work no legal incapacity, until brought into action. 
Thus the author either confounds legal disability with disaffection, 
or he asserts, that the Lord Lieutenant and council have a power 
to inquire into the question of legal disability, which relates merely 
to those merits, and that right, that the same author has just alleged 
belong exclusively to another judicature — the courts of law. 

The author has stated, that the council derive their power under 
the new rules, and the new rules are conceived in the words of the 
33d of Geo. II. under which the common council derives its power. 
The author states disaffection to be the single object for the 
inquiry of the privy council ; it remained for him to prove disaf- 
fection to be merely a law question of corporate incapacity, or to 
allow that the common council was not confined to that law ques- 
tion, by the act of Parliament, and so give up the opinion advanced 
by the Chancellor. The author seems aware of the difficulty, and 
he therefore enumerates two distinct object, disaffection and legal 
incapacity as one and the same, committing a solecism in terms, to 
secure a studied confusion in sense. 

The speech informs us, that in a double return, to approve of one 
has always been a matter of course. Here we are again sorrv to be 
obliged directly to contradict the author of the speech ; it has not 
been a matter of course ; it has been common to approve of 
neither ; it has been common to send back the parties to a new 
election ; it was the case in 63 ; it was the case twice this very 
year. But even though the author of the speech should not have 
been wrong, as he is, in point of fact, yet he would remain wrong 





in point of argument. To make out his defence, it is not sufficient 
to prove it a matter of course to approve of one of the parties, he 
must show it to be a matter of indifference which, whether the 
man who is legally elected, or the man who is by law disqualified ; 
or rather, indeed, he must go further for a precedent, and show it 
to be a matter of course to approve of the latter; that is, the man 
disqualified by law. 

The author of the speech informs us, that the council cannot 
decide the point of law; we acknowledge it, but we did not want 
the interposition of the author to give that information. But 
though the author informs us there is redress at law, yet the 
person whose name he assumes has also informed us, that " such 
redress would be a grievance, and that the city, after amusing 
itself for three years in the courts of justice, would be heartily 
sick of the experiment." Our respect for decency prevents us 
from going so far as to cast a damp and despondency on appealing 
to the law of the land, yet we do agree, that the forcing the city 
to that appeal was a very great injury, because the redress might 
be very tedious ; the interim might be very disturbed, and the 
period of the mayoralty expire before the point could be settled. 

There is a further objection ; could we suppose the Courts of 
law capable of a criminal decision, we have a ministry disposed to 
give them protection. 

The author of the speech would teach us to believe, that the 
chief governor and council decided in favour of Alderman James 
merely to put the question in course of trial ; we are to under- 
stand, then, that there was no partiality in the administration ; that 
the Castle, or the rash advisers of the Castle, have espoused no 
faction in the city. When once the author of the speech can 
prove this, he will then, and not till then, have supported his 
credit for the veracity of this suggestion. 

The author of the speech, proceeds and says, that it remained 
for the sagacity of the Irish whigs, to turn a mere right of appro- 
bation into a judicial power; but we must observe, that it re- 
mained for the ingenuity and temper of the author, to discover 
wherein the whigs have made that confusion ; for certainly in the 
resolution alluded to, they have not. We insert the resolution 
that the public may judge. 

" That the whig club cannot possibly have witnessed what has 
lately passed, respecting the election of a Lord Mayor, without 
expressing the deepest concern, and declaring that they will, both 
individually, and as a body, co-operate with their fellow-citizens, 
in every legal and constitutional measure, which may tend to 
vindicate the laws, and to support the rights of this metropolis." 

We must observe, that the principal charge of ignorance was 
founded, as appears in the speech, on this, our supposed confusion, 
of the right of approbation with a judicial power — here is the 
resolution, wherein appears not one syllable to justify the com- 
ment, and hence the public will collect two things. First, the 
great and manifest presumption of the author, in making, in so 
gross a manner, so unfounded a charge. Secondly, his great and 




unparalleled folly and temerity, in- making that charge, when by 
the mere republication of the resolution, he could be so fully, so 
publicly, and so shamefully convicted. 

In order to account for his observation, we must suppose the 
author of the publication to conceive that the charge of violating 
the laws, implies of itself the exercising a judicial power, but the 
crime of dispensing with the laws has not been confined to great 
lawyers exercising judicial power — the author of the speech might 
have read how James the Second had dispensed with the test act, 
without resorting to the exercise of judicial power, but by mere 
executive act; he had, 'tis true, the assistance of a great judicial 
character, his famous chancellor, a great lawyer, and a melancholy 
proof, that the most dangerous instrument in the hand of oppres- 
sion, is an arbitrary man, hurried away by a criminal disregard for 
his fellow-citizens, and armed with the little points of his profession, 
to pervert the science of t^e law, and to assail the liberties of the 

We have observed upon, and examined the principal part of this 
poor and positive production — that affects to call itself the speech 
of the chancellor. — The public will judge whether it contains that 
extent of genius — solidity of argument, and profundity of sense, to 
justify a modest man in pronouncing that he would completely, 
and to the most unlettered person, convince the whole community. 

We must observe, that, in one point, the author of the speech 
has shown diffidence; it is the only point in which confidence had 
been a proof of firmness, or an evidence of innocence, viz. the point 
in question, whether by the act of Parliament the common council 
is obliged to assign corporate incapacity as ground of rejection. On 
the affirmative of this depends the innocence of the order of coun- 
cil ; and here the author has hung back. — He allows he has ex- 
amined this point as much as any that ever came before him ; he 
had three months to investigate it. — The government has taken a 
decided part — the city has been put in a ferment — the adminis- 
tration overwhelmed in disgrace — and now, it seems, the author 
will not venture to speak to the question, and only diffidently tells 
us, that it did appear to him that Alderman James had the best 
colour of election — that from what he has heard hitherto, James 
has the best claim, without venturing to assign a single reason for 
such an opinion, or advancing one syllable in support of that novel 
construction, which he must feel has involved us in such a train of 
consequences. We leave it to the public to decide, whether this 
reserve in the author proceeds from moderation or defect. 

We do not think it necessary, now, to go at large into the argu- 
ment ; but as, from the speech under our consideration, no trace 
whatever of the merits of the question appears, we think it proper 
to state from the act of the 33d of Geo. II. the following obvious 
inferences, that by the act no man can be mayor pf the city, who 
is rejected by the commons ; that the right of rejection in the 
commons, is co-extensive with the right of election in the board, 
both being limited by one and the same proviso, which only re- 
quires that the board shall elect, and the commons approve of 
some one of the board — and subject to that proviso, leaves both 




equally free ; that there is not in the whole act, one single syllable 
requiring the commons to assign corporate incapacities, the ground 
of rejection ; that the ballot clause makes such an assignment of 
reasons impracticable, and illegal ; that such assignment is a new 
requisite, created by construction, to impose a forfeiture of the 
benefit of the act, contrary to the principle of criminal jurispru- 
dence ; that the proceedings of the privy council, under the new 
rules, which are conceived in nearly the same terms as the act of 
Parliament, without the strong circumstance of the ballot, are a 
precedent against this doctrine, for the council does not assign 
corporate incapacities as a ground of rejection. 

That the spirit and meaning of the act is against it, which must 
be defeated by such construction, inasmuch as such a construction 
would take from the commons the right of rejecting; for if they 
could reject no man but one who laboured under corporate inca- 
pacities, they could reject no man that was not before ineligible, 
and who could not be mayor, though the commons approved ; and 
all the other aldermen, elected by the board, must be mayors, 
though the commons rejected them. There is every reason to 
believe, that there is scarcely to be found, at present, one alderman 
that labours under a corporate incapacity ; of course, under this 
construction, there is not one alderman whom the commons could 
refuse. This construction, therefore, for so much, makes the act 
of parliament a delusion. 

We, therefore, with all due deference to legal authority, when 
it shall keep itself within the bounds of law and decorum, have 
republished our resolutions, and beg leave to add, that the act of 
the council, to which we do acknowledge the Lord Chancellor, 
and we are sorry to see it, has put his hand, is an arbitrary act — 
imposing on the city, as far as it can have effect, an illegal magis- 
trate ; and depriving the common council of Dublin, of a right 
they derive under act of Parliament. 

The author of the speech puts a question, who most invade the 
laws, the Lord Lieutenant and Council, or they who appeal to the 
whig club? — Since we are called upon, we answer, the Lord 
Lieutenant and Council. The Lord Lieutenant and Council, says 
the author of the speech, who send the matter to a legal decision ? — 
They do so, we allow it. They oblige the party, by an arbitrary 
act, to seek redress at law, . as any man who commits a violence on 
another, may be said to send the matter to a legal decision. — But 
we never heard it pleaded as a proof of the defendant's regard for 
the law, that he had, by an assault on the plaintiff, sent the matter 
to a legal decision. This puerile interrogatory is calculated to 
move our scorn. 

We confess, we have not forced the citizens to such a tribunal, 
for we have not injured them ; but so far from dissuading from 
seeking legal redress, we are ready to assist the city in demanding it. 

We associated to preserve the laws and constitution, against the 
attacks of the present administration, who invaded both, and who 
were pronounced to have done so by Parliament. We associated 
when the privileges of both houses had been questioned. When 
the minister was exhorted, by his unconstitutional adviser, to insult 

Appendix. ~\ 



the legislature. When the two houses pronounced that minister 
and his advisers to be arbitrary and unconstitutional men. When 
a number of new places, pensions, and salaries were created, for 
the purpose of corrupting parliament. When peerages were sold, 
for procuring money, to be expended in the purchase of seats for 
the dependants of the Castle, in the assembly of the people. When 
the liberty of the press, and the personal liberty of the subject, by 
holding him to arbitrary and excessive bail, were attacked ; when we 
had a minister ready to screen such attack from parliamentary 
enquiry ; when a place bill, a pension bill, and every other constitu- 
tional bill made necessary, by the corruption of the present minis- 
ters, were rejected by their influence. — When these things took 
place, we assembled ■ — we assembled when the nation was told, (by 
authority) that in order to defeat the opposition of the aristocracy 
in Parliament, the minister had, in the government of the Mar- 
quis of Townsend, expended half a million; and that in order to de- 
feat the present aristocracy, must expend another half million*; 
which was to inform us, that the nation had been, by his Majesty's 
minister, bought and sold, and must be bought and sold again. 

We appeal to the people of England, whether, if they were in- 
formed by a great officer of state, that their country had been 
bought and sold for half a million, and must be so again, to carry 
the minister triumphantly through Parliament, whether they would 
not, like us, have associated in common defence; and if the people 
of this country, being once possessed of this alarming and dreadful 
secret, have gone no further than bearing their humble testimony 
against ministers, it is because the people are not as rash as those 
ministers, either in their conduct or declaration. 

That we have been charged by the author of the speech with 
the crime of looking to power, we make no assertion. Instead of 
assertion, we set forth the following measures, to which we are all 

A place bill — a pension bill — a bill to repeal or modify the 
city police bill — a bill to restrain the minister from arbitrarily 
extending the county police — a responsibility bill — a bill to dis- 
qualify the dependent officers of the revenue from voting for mem- 
bers of Parliament. We are pledged to disallow the corrupt charges 
of the Marquis of Buckingham and his successor. W r e are pledged 
against the sale of peerages, and for the liberty of the press, and 
the personal liberty of the subject, against arbitrary and illegal 
bail. We are pledged to the principles, whereon the late Parlia- 
ment addressed his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales, to take 
on himself the regency ; and against the assertions and principles 
that advised and maintained, in the appointment of a regent, the 
authority of the Parliament of another country, and would have 
denied to the Irish crown its legislative power, and, of course, its 
imperial dignity. We are pledged against an union. We are 
pledged against the memorable propositions and we are now 
pledged to oppose the misconstruction or the alteration of the act 

* Declaration of Lord Clare, when Attorney- General. Vide Irish Parlia- 
mentary Debates, vol. ii. p. 157. — Mr. Grattan's Speeches, vol. ii. p. 248. 286. 
T 3 

273 whig club. [Appendix. 

of the 33d Geo. II., whereby the commons of this city have a 
peremptory right of rejection ; which peremptory right we will 
support. If any thing is here omitted, it will be found in our 
original declaration, and we have already appointed a committee 
to procure copies of the bills already mentioned, that the country 
may, if she pleases, adopt them, or, at least, may know how far, 
and how specifically we are embarked in her interest. We have no 
personal animosity. But should any of the ministers of the crotvn 
attempt to trample on the people, tve are ready to defend them. — We 

Resolved, That the affectionate and respectful thanks of this 
body, be returned to the Earl of Moira and the Earl of Charle- 
mont, for their spirited and dignified avowal of the part which they 
have taken in our deliberation and resolution, and for the truly 
patriotic regard which their Lordships have shown for the invaded 
privileges of their fellow-citizens, and for their zealous support of 
the law of the land. 

Resolved, That a committee be appointed to sit. during the 
vacation, to correspond with the members of this and other soci- 
eties, and to prepare such measures, as may be rendered necessary 
to defend our principles and our character — with a power to 
assemble this club, on any emergency, to submit said measures 
to them, for their consideration, on giving due notice. 

The Committee. 

Duke of Leinster, Arthur Brown, Esq. M. P. 

Earl of Moira., John Egan, Esq. M. P. 

Earl of Charlemont, John Edwards, Esq. 

Earl of Arran, Travers Hartley, Esq. 

Rt. Hon. W. B. Ponsonby, M. P. Coghill Cramer, Esq. 
Rt. Hon. H. Grattan, M. P. George Maquay, Esq. 
Sir Ed. Newenham, Knt. M. P. Hamilton Rowan, Esq. 
J. P. Curran, Esq. M. P. Rev. Richard Stack. 




2d February, 1790. 

By the Master, Wardens, and Brethren of the Corporation of 

Resolved unanimously, That having taken into consideration 
an Address, in the public papers, to the Gentlemen, Clergy, Free- 
men, and Freeholders of the City of Dublin, signed Nath. Warren ; 
we conceive the same to be an insult to the free electors of this 
city, the said Nath. Warren having uniformly opposed our faithful 

* This unci tlie preceding paper were drawn up by Mr. Grattan. 




representative, Travers Hartley, Esq. in support of our rights, and 
accepted a place in an odious and oppressive police ; and instead of 
dutifully and faithfully representing this city in Parliament, hath 
on all occasions acted contrary to the interest and instructions of 
his constituents ; therefore, is, in our opinion, unworthy the sup- 
port of the independent electors. 

Resolved unanimously, That this Guild do entirely approve of 
the conduct of the committees, appointed by twenty-three of the 
corporations of this city, in unanimously recommending to the 
free electors of this metropolis, to call upon the Right Hon. Henry 
Grattan and Lord Henry Fitzgerald, to stand as candidates, 
to represent them in Parliament, on the ensuing general election. 

Resolved unanimously, That we will support the Right Hon. 
Henry Grattan and Lord Henry Fitzgerald, on the next 
election for representatives for this city in Parliament, without any 
expence to them on our account. 

Signed bv order, 




Post Assembly, 19th February, 1790, by the Sheriffs and 

Resolved, That we perfectly concur in opinion with our fellow- 
citizens at large, in their nomination of the Right Hon. Henry 
Grattan and Lord Henry Fitzgerald, as fit and proper persons 
to represent this city in Parliament, on the next general election; 
and that we will support them with our votes and interest on that 
occasion — free of any expence on our account. 

Agreeable to motion, the above was sent to the Lord Mayor 
and Board of Aldermen, for concurrence thereto. — No answer 

Resolved, That at a period when the sense of the electors have 
been so fully taken ; first, by the unanimous voice of delegates 
from twenty-three corporations — then by a most numerous and 
respectable meeting of the freemen and freeholders — and since 
that, by the public declaration of twenty corporations, convened 
for the express purpose of nominating two proper persons to repre- 
sent this city in Parliament, on the next general election — com- 
posing in the whole, a body of near 2,500 electors, who have 
agreed, with only seven negatives, to call upon and support the 
Right Hon. Henry Grattan and Lord Henry Fitzgerald, we 
cannot but consider the attempt of thirteen Aldermen, composed 
of police, paving, and lottery commissioners, to put up two of 
themselves, in opposition to the united voice of the people, as 
calculated to sow dissensions, disturb the peace, and promote dis- 
cord and disunion among the citizens of Dublin. 

I 4 




Resolved, That as far as our influence extends, it is a duty pe- 
culiarly incumbent on us, to maintain the invaluable privileges of 
the free suffrage of electors, at the next general election. 

Resolved, therefore, That any threats, or undue influence, em- 
ployed on any of the city officers or pensioners, in order to bias or 
procure their votes on that occasion, will be considered by this 
house as a gross violation of the freedom of election ; and that we 
will, by the most effectual means in our power, prevent the oper- 
ation of such influence, for the protection of the liberty of opinion. 

Resolved, That the sheriffs and such members of this house as 
choose to attend, do wait on Mr. Grattan and Lord Henry 
Fitzgerald, with the first resolution entered into this day. 

The Lord Mayor and Board of Aldermen having sent a message, 
requiring the Sheriffs and Commons to concur with them in the 
nomination of his Lordship and Alderman Sankey, as fit and pro- 
per persons to represent this city in Parliament.-— Question put 
thereon, and negatived. 

Resolved, That the resolutions, &c. now entered into by this 
house, with Mr. Grattan's and Lord Henry Fitzgerald's 
answer, be published in the public papers. 

Signed by order, 

JOHN PURCEL, Clk. Commons. 

Lord Henry Fitzgerald and Mr. Grattan, being accord- 
ingly waited on, returned the following answer. 

- Gentlemen, 

Please to accept our thanks for the spirited and indepen- 
dent manner, in which you have been kind enough to direct your 
attention to us. Should we be fortunate enough to be chosen for 
the city of Dublin, we can never forget the obligations we owe to 
our fellow-citizens. 

We have the honor to be, Gentlemen, 

Your most obedient, humble Servants, 


February 24th, 1790. 

The following is a state of the corporate opinions, on fit and pro- 
per persons to represent the city of Dublin in Parliament. 

An" Aggregate Meeting declared for Mr. Grattan and Lord 
Henry Fitzgerald, (being very numerous and respectable) with 
only one dissenting voice, 29th January, 1790. 

The Aldermen of Skinner's Alley, (present 147) unanimously 
declared in favor of Mr. Grattan and Lord Henry Fitzgerald, 
on the 4th instant. 



The Votes of the different Corporations 'were as follow . 

Merchants -J 











Glovers, &c. 


Sheermen, &c. 




Stationers, &c. 





. Grattan \ 
.H.Fitzgerald \ 


Feb. 1 

the same 


Feb. 1 

the same 


Ton 90 
J tin. +>J 

tne same 



Feb. 2 

the same 


Jan. 28 

the same 


Jan. 27 

the same 

one dissent. 

Feb. 2 

tne same 


Feb. 2 

the same 


Feb. 3 

the same 


Jan. '29 

the same 


Feb. 2 

the same 


Feb. 3 

the same 


Feb. 2 

the same 


Feb. 2 

the same 


Feb. 2 

the same 


Feb. 1 

the same 


Jan. 28 

the same 


Feb. 2 


At a Post Hall held this 28th day of January, 1790, the following 
Resolutions were agreed to : 
Resolved unanimously, That having this day received the 
report of our delegates appointed to assist at the general meeting, 
held at the Tholsel, for the purpose of nominating proper persons 
to represent this city in Parliament, we do highly approve of the 
conduct of our said delegates, and of that meeting in general. 

Resolved unanimously, That our sincere thanks be given to our 
worthy and upright representative, Travers Hartley, Esq. for his 
uniform, steady, and patriotic conduct in Parliament ; and that it 
is with the deepest concern we receive his answer, declining the 
invitation of the free electors of this city to stand as a candidate 
at the next general election. 

Resolved, therefore, unanimously, That the Right Hon. Henry 
Grattan, is a Jit and proper person to represent this city in Par- 
liament, and that we will support him free of any expence on our 

Resolved also unanimously, That the Right Hon. Lord Henry 
Fitzgerald is a fit and proper person to represent this city in 
Parliament, and that we will support him free of any expence on 
our account. 




Resolved unanimously, That the test subscribed on the 3d of 
November last, by the candidates, previous to the election of 
common councilmen for this corporation, be here inserted. " I 
A. B. do solemnly promise and engage that if I be elected to 
represent the corporation of carpenters in the common council of 
this city, that I will not vote for, but on the contrary will, to the 
utmost of my power, oppose any police commissioner, or divisional 
magistrate, acting under the police establishment, from becoming 
chief magistrate, or representative in Parliament for the city of 
Dublin. — Signed, 


Resolved unanimously, That we return our sincere thanks to 
the virtuous majority in the common council of this city on the 
last quarter assembly day. 

Resolved unanimously, That the foregoing Resolutions be pub- 
lished three times in the Hibernian Journal and Saunders's News 

Signed by Order, 


At a most numerous and respectable Meeting of the Freemen and 
Freeholders of the city of Dublin, held at the Royal Exchange, 
pursuant to public notice, on Friday the 29th January, 1790. 

The HIGH SHERIFFS in the chair. 

The following Resolutions passed with one dissenting voice. 
Resolved, That the Right Hon. Henry Grattan . and Lord 
Henry Fitzgerald are fit and proper persons to represent this 
city in Parliament, on the next general election, and that we will 
support them free of any expence on our account. 

Resolved, That a committee be now appointed to . wait on his 
Lordship and Mr. Grattan, to request they will declare them- 
selves candidates on the next general election. 

Resolved, That the following twenty-one gentlemen be the 
committee, viz. 

James Napper Tandy, Esq. 

Sir Edward Newenham, 

Alderman James Horan, 

John Darcy, Esq. 

Archibald Redford, Esq. 

Hugh Crothers, Esq. 

John Finlay, Esq. 

William Cope, Esq. 

Lundy Foote, Esq. 

Benjamin Wills, Esq. 

Mr. Pemberton, 

Nicholas Westby, Esq. 
Thomas Trotter, Esq. 
George Sail, Esq. 
Arthur Guinness, Esq. 
Right Hon. Wm. Brabason 

John Patrick, Esq. 
Daniel Gale, Esq. 
Mr. Thomas Potter, 
George Lunell, Esq. 
Nath. Hone, Esq. 




John Finlay, Esq. being called to the chair, the following Reso- 
lution passed unanimously : 

Resolved, That the thanks of this meeting be given to our 
worthy High Sheriffs, for their impartial and upright conduct 
this day, and for their readiness in complying with the wishes of 
their fellow citizens. 

The Sheriffs having resumed the chair, it was ordered, that 
the proceedings of the meeting, authenticated by the signature 
of the Sheriffs, also the Answer of Mr. Grattan and Lord 
Henry Fitzgerald, to the committee, be published in the 



At a Post Hall, convened for the purpose of receiving the Report 
of the delegates appointed to consider of two proper persons to 
represent this city in Parliament on the next general election, 
it was 

Resolved unanimously, That we highly approve of the nomi- 
nation agreed upon at the meeting of the freemen and freeholders 
of this city on Friday last, of the Right Hon. Henry Grattan 
and Lord Henry Fitzgerald, as fit and proper persons to repre- 
sent this city in the next Parliament. 

Resolved unanimously, That a committee be appointed to wait 
on Mr. Grattan and Lord Henry Fitzgerald, to request they 
will declare themselves candidates, and to assure them that we 
will support them free of any expence on our account. 

Resolved, That the following persons be, and are hereby ap- 
pointed a committee for that purpose. 

James Napper Tandy, 1 Masters 
A\ illiam Humphrey, J 
Jeremiah D'Olier, 1 Wardens. 
Henry Jackson, y 

Sir Edw, Newenham, Kt. 
Alderman James Horan, 
Benjamin Gault, Esq. 
Benjamin Wills, Esq. 
George Digby, Esq. 

John Patrick, Esq. 

John Hunt, Esq. 

Right Hon. John O'Neill, 

James Stewart, Esq. 

Sir Annesley Stewart, Bart. 

Hugh Crothers, Esq. 
Resolved, That the proceedings of this day, and the Answers 
of Mr. Grattan and Lord Henry Fitzgerald be printed in the 
usual papers. 

Signed by Order, 

BEN. TAYLOR, Clk. Guild. 
And the committee having waited on the gentlemen, received 
the following answer : 




Dublin, 17th February, 1793. 


Accept our thanks and our services — should we be re- 
turned for the city of Dublin, we shall have a pride in recollecting 
the great body which we represent, and the manner in which that 
great body has called us to its service. 

We are, Gentlemen, with the greatest respect, 

Your most obedient and obliged humble Servants, 


The deputation appointed on the 29th ult. at an aggregate 
Meeting of the Freemen and Freeholders convened by the Sheriffs, 
having yesterday attended at Leinster House, for the purposes of 
their mission, received the following answer. 

Dublin, 17th February, 1790. 


You offer us a most honourable situation, in a manner 
worthy of yourselves and of the capital. We accept that offer 
with thanks and deference — should we be returned to represent 
this city in Parliament, we shall consider ourselves as the most 
honored among the servants of the people — a people whom we 
shall serve with cheerfulness and fidelity. 

We are, Gentlemen, with the greatest respect, 

Your most obedient and obliged Servants, 


At a Post Hall of the Corporation of Brewers and Maltsters, held 
on Thursday the 1 8th of February, 1790, it was 
Resolved, That the Right Hon. Henry Grattan and Lord 
Henry Fitzgerald are fit and proper persons to represent this 
city in Parliament on the next general election, and that we will 
give them our most active support on that occasion, free from 
expence on our part. 

Resolved, ThaT^the foregoing Resolution be published in the 
Hibernian Journal and Dublin Evening Post. 

Signed by Order, 

SAM. AICKIN, Clerk. 

To the Gentlemen, Clergy, Freeman, and Freeholders of the city 
of Dublin. 


We have been called upon by a most numerous and re- 
spectable body of electors, to offer ourselves to your consideration, 




for the purpose of representing this city in the ensuing Par- 
liament. With sincere thanks we accept the invitation, and 
request your votes and interest at the next general election. We 
beg leave to assure you, that the advancement of the trade and 
prosperity of this country in general, and of this city in particular, 
shall be the principal object of our attention and exertions. But 
as general declarations of regard for the public welfare are more 
intelligible and effectual, when exemplified by specific measures, 
you will permit us to mention the following, as some of the objects, 
which, in all situations, we shall pursue and support. — A pension 
bill — a place bill — a bill for the repeal of the present police act 

— and a bill to render the minister of the crown in Ireland more 
effectually responsible to the Parliament of this realm. 

We beg leave also to assure you, that we shall persist in our 
endeavours to effect a discontinuance of the new and extraordinary 
charges placed on the establishment by a late administration, and 
justified and supported by the present ; and also to obtain such 
other measures for this country as we have hitherto urged and 
supported in Parliament. 

Conscious of the sincerity of these assurances, we now solicit 
your suffrages ; and if, in the course of a personal application, Ave 
should, by any accident, omit to pay our respects to every 
elector, we trust that omission will be attributed to the real cause 

— the extent of this capital, and the discharge of our duty in 

We are, with the greatest respect and regard, Gentlemen, 
Your most humble and most obedient Servants, 

Dublin, Feb. 18, 1790. HENRY GRATTAN. 

To the Gentlemen, Clergy, Freemen, and Freeholders of the city 
of Dublin. 


The High Sheriffs having appointed Monday next the 3d 
of May, for the election of two members to represent this city in 
parliament, we request your attendance on that day at nine o'clock 
in the morning, at the Rotunda, to proceed from thence to the 

We know your sentiments too well to entertain any apprehen- 
sions from the opposition which has been attempted to your inde- 
pendency and to our success. We know too well that opposition 
either to fear or respect it. Called upon by the public voice to 
rescue the capital from the danger of disgrace, dependency, and 
ridicule, we offered ourselves to your consideration, and we rely, 
with confidence, on your virtue and support. 
We are, Gentlemen, 

Your very humble and obedient Servants, 

26th April, 1790. HENRY GRATTAN. 




Corporation of Cutlers, Painter-stainers, and Stationers, or Guild 
of Saint Luke, in public Hall assembled, on Tuesday 4th May, 
1790, being an adjournment of quarter-day, the following Reso- 
lutions were agreed to. 

Resolved, That the thanks of this corporation be and are 
hereby given to the virtuous majority of the common council of 
this city, for their patriotic conduct on the late election of a 
chief magistrate, and particularly to our three worthy representa- 
tives for their honourable adherence to the instructions of their 
constituents on that occasion. 

Resolved, That the freedom of this corporation be presented, in 
the most respectful manner, to Lord Henry Fitzgerald, for his 
patriotic endeavours, on all occasions, for the emancipation of this 
country, and his ready compliance with the wishes of his fellow 
citizens, in standing a candidate to represent this city in Parlia- 
ment, at so important a period. 

Resolved, That the freedom of this corporation be presented, in 
the most respectful manner, to the Right Hon. Henry Grattan, 
as the most honourable testimony they can give of the high opinion 
entertained by them of his exalted merit as a senator, evinced at 
all times, by his manly, eloquent, and steady exertions to promote 
the commerce, advance the interest, and preserve the independ- 
ence of this kingdom. 

JOHN CHAMBERS, j waraens - 

The corporation having waited on the above gentlemen, at 
Guildhall, in the Tholsel, they were pleased to return the follow- 
ing Answer: 


Your approbation of us — the honour which you have done 
us? — and the zeal which you have shown on this critical occasion, 
claims, on our part, the warmest expressions of thanks and 
gratitude. — You have distinguished us by a most flattering and 
acceptable mark of your favour and confidence. We are sensible 
of the value of your opinion ; we are proud of this public proof of 
it, and we shall endeavour to retain it upon all occasions. 
We are, Gentlemen, 

Your most humble and obedient Servants, 





By order, and in the name of the Inhabitants of Belfast, at a full 
Meeting convened by public notice. 

To Henry Grattan, Esq. 

g IR Belfast, 8th March, 1790. 

Wf. admire your abilities, we venerate your character, we 
are warmly grateful for your strenuous exertions on behalf of this 
injured and insulted country. Our wish is, that success may 
attend your efforts in the cause of Ireland, equal to the honour 
they confer on you ; greater we cannot wish. Our prayer is, that 
you may soon see that wish realised, and that you may long live, 
enjoying the heartfelt satisfaction resulting from both. 

We have the honour to be, with the utmost respect, Sir, 

Your most obedient and obliged humble Servants. 
Signed by Order, 


Mr. Grattan s Anstver. 
Gentlemen, 12fli March, 1790. 

I received your letter accompanying your seasonable and 
spirited resolutions ; your country is indebted to you. By the assist- 
ance of such men, and by such judicious exertions, the people 
may at last obtain a redress of grievances. As an individual, I 
thank you ; as a free subject, I am still more obliged to you ; you 
encourage men to persist in the discharge of their duty — to per- 
severe in seeking redress of grievances, and to co-operate with my 
fellow subjects in that great pursuit is my wish, my duty, and my 

Gentlemen, I have the honour to be, 

With the greatest respect and regard, 

Your most obliged and obedient Servant, 



Thursday the 10th of January, 1793, being quarter-day, the fol- 
lowing Resolutions and Address were unanimously agreed to. 
Resolved, That the intolerable price exacted during the 
present severe season for the article of fuel, appears to be oc- 
casioned by a combination among the licensed coal factors of this 
city, who not only monopolize the coals, but the cars also. 

Resolved, therefore, That our faithful representatives, Lord 
Henry Fitzgerald and the Right Hon. Henry Grattan, be 
requested to introduce a Bill into Parliament regulating the sale 
of coals, so as to place that commodity, so essential to life, to 
trade, and to manufacture, within the constant reach of the 




Resolved, That the following Address, as well as a copy of 
these Resolutions, be presented 

To the Right Hon. Henri/ Grattan. 


Sensible of the extraordinary advantages which this 
country has derived from the exertion of your talents and virtues, 
we have only to lament, in common with our fellow citizens, that 
their employment has not always proved successful in accom- 
plishing the great objects to which your zeal to discharge the high 
trust reposed in you has been uniformly directed. 

Among the various instances of your solicitous attention to the 
interests of your constituents, this populous city has peculiarly 
to acknowledge your endeavours to free the coal trade from the 
impositions to which all ranks of people, and particularly the poor, 
are constantly liable in that essential article ; but as your efforts 
in the last session of Parliament to afford this relief to your fellow 
citizens, already taxed beyond their ability, have been frustrated, 
probably by the malignant jealousy of placemen, permit us, Sir, to 
express our earnest hope that the necessities of your grateful 
constituents will immediately receive from your humanity that 
serious consideration which the yearly revolving extortion of 
forestallers renders so peculiarly necessary to the great body of 
artisans and manufacturers. 

Signed by Order, 


Mr. Grattan s Answer. 


I will immediately propose a Bill for the regulation of 
the coal trade. I hope your seasonable interposition will have due 
effect on the wisdom and justice of gentlemen, to induce them to 
consider and relieve the state of the poor in this city. I thank 
you most sincerely for your good opinion, and will endeavour to 
deserve its continuance, by an unremitting attention to your 

I have the honour to be, 
Your most humble, obedient, and obliged Servant, 


At a General Quarter Assembly, of the Right Honourable the 
Lord Mayor, Sheriffs, Commons, and Citizens of the city of 
Dublin, held on the 20th day of January, 1792, the following 
Address was agreed to. 
To the Right Hon. Lord Henry Fitzgerald, and the Right Hon. 
Henry Grattan y Representatives in Parliament for the city of 

My Lord, and Sir, 

At times like the present, when we see the public news- 
papers filled with resolutions of different associations, expressive 




of discontent, and urging the necessity of alterations in the happy 
constitution under which we have lived and prospered, it is 
become necessary for us, as a Protestant corporation, to speak our 
sentiments to our representatives in Parliament, lest our Roman 
Catholic brethren may be induced to believe, if, we remain silent, 
that we approve of the changes that we have seen proposed. 

We, therefore, entreat of you our representatives, that you will 
oppose with all your influence and great abilities, any alteration 
that may tend to shake the security of property in this kingdom, 
or subvert the Protestant ascendancy in our happy constitution. 

The Right Honorable the Lord Mayor, and the Sheriffs, having 
waited upon Mr. Grattan, (Lord Henry Fitzgerald being in 
England) he was pleased to return the following Answer. 

My Lord, and Gentlemen, 

Whatever attack has been made on your ascendancy, has 
proceeded from your ministers. Their attempts to model and 
corrupt the parliamentary constitution of this country tend directly 
to subvert the ascendancy of a Protestant community in their 
own legislature, and to establish a ministerial ascendancy in its 

This great city has particularly felt the effect of such an in- 
fluence in the imposition of a police establishment, whereby the 
citizens are oppressed by taxation without protection, while their 
humble petitions have been disregarded and set at nought ; and 
when your instructions with this answer shall be according to your 
order circulated through the different corporate towns, they, I 
hope, will do justice to that minority who has been struggling for 
years for the redress of their grievance, and for the securing the 
weight and authority of the people in their own Parliament. 

As to any other attack on your ascendancy, save that which has 
been already made by your ministers, I should be sorry that any 
such was meditated, and if any, will not fail to resist it. 

The Roman Catholics whom I love, and the Protestants whom 
I prefer, are both, I hope, too enlightened to renew religious 

I do not hesitate to say I love the Roman Catholic — I am a 
friend to his liberty — but it is only in as much as his liberty is 
entirely consistent with your ascendancy, and an addition to the 
strength and freedom of the Protestant community. 

These being my principles, and the Protestant interest my first 
object, you may judge that I shall never assent to any measure 
tending to shake the security of property in this kingdom, or to 
subvert the Protestant ascendancy. 


26th Jan. 1792. 

Ordered, that the foregoing Address, together with the 
Answer thereto, be published three times in the Dublin Evening 
Post and Faulkner's Journal. 

ALLEN and GREENE, Town Clerks, 




On Thursday a deputation from the Brewers of the city of Dublin 
waited on the Right Hon. Henry Grattan, and presented 
him with the Freedom of their Corporation, which had been 
granted to him in the following manner : 
Be it Remembered, That on Tuesday the 26th day of June, 
1792, being public quarter-day of the Corporation of Brewers, 
or Guild of St Andrew, Dublin, Arthur Guinness, Esq. Master, 
Hugh Trevor and Thomas Andrews, Esq. Wardens, the follow- 
ing Resolutions were unanimously agreed to : 
Resolved, That it is our duty to mark, with every degree of 
respect and gratitude in our power, the conduct of those who 
render essential service to their country. 

Resolved, That it is our opinion that the most essential service 
has been rendered to this kingdom in general, and that every 
exertion of the most distinguished abilities have been employed 
for the promotion of the brewing trade in particular, by the 
Right Hon. Henry Grattan, in the late and former sessions of 

Resolved, therefore, That as a lasting testimony of our gratitude 
for, and approbation of his conduct, we admit him to the freedom 
of this corporation, and that the same be presented to him in the 
most respectful manner in a gold box. 

Mr. Grattan s Answer. 


I am proud of the honour you have done me, and I am parti- 
cularly thankful for the very flattering expressions in which you 
have conveyed it. I shall persevere in the principles and measures 
which have obtained your approbation. 

Gentlemen, I have the honour to be, 

Your most humble and obedient Servant, 



At a Post Hall of the Corporation of Hosiers, or Guild of Saint 
George, Dublin, specially convened on Wednesday, March 28th, 
1793, the following Address was agreed to. 

To the Right Hon. H. Grattan. 


In gratitude for your attention to our interests in support 
of a petition adopted, to Parliament, by our body, and forwarded 
through your zealous endeavours, permit us thus publicly to 
express that gratitude, and humbly to request your acceptance of 
our cordial thanks. Though your senatorial conduct, evinced by 
a continued series of exertions, cannot derive added honour from 
our approbation, yet we claim, in common with all those who feel 
your beneficent virtues the right of paying the tribute they 
expect — an honest praise. 




You have hitherto invariably studied the general interests of 
your country ; we rest confident, that you will not omit any op- 
portunity of urging Parliament finally to grant the prayer of our 
petition, with whatever may in consequence tend to uphold the 
hosiery manufactory. 


THOMAS JORDAN,} waraens - 

And the Master, Wardens, and Brethren having waited on Mr. 
Grattan and presented the foregoing Address, he was pleased 
to return the following Answer. 


For the Address which you are pleased to present, I return 
you my most sincere thanks. 

To unite and reconcile all men at this most critical time in 
support of our constitution is my earnest wish, and that such a 
wish should, receive your approbation is additional confirmation, 
sanction, and strength. 

To the objects you recommend I shall pay every attention. I 
have ever considered the present police as inadequate to the pro- 
tection of the city, and requiring the interposition of Parliament. 

I feel how much you over-rate my powers ; but I will assure 
you, that whatever they are they shall be ever employed in the 
service of my country. 

I have the honour be, with the highest esteem, 

Your most humble and obedient Servant, 


St. Bridget's Parish, June 19th, 1 793. 
At a Vestry held this day to take into consideration Heads of a 
Bill now before Parliament, for the more effectually collecting 
the Public Money by Presentment in the county of the city of 

The CHURCHWARDENS in the Chair. 

The following Resolutions and Address were unanimously 
agreed to. 

That we consider the clause, tending to deprive the several 
vestries of the county of the city of Dublin, of the powers 
for appointing collectors of the grand jury cess, an insidi- 
ous attack on our privileges, and a violation of our rights and im- 

That it is our opinion our representatives in Parliament ought to 
oppose it strenuously, and exert all their endeavours to prevent a 
clause of any such tendency from passing into a law. 

That the early communication by our faithful representative, 
the Right Honourable Henry Grattan, of the contents and 
u 2 




tendency of that extraordinary clause, demands our thanks and 

That the following Address be presented to him by the Church- 
wardens of this parish : 


We should cease to be men were we insensible of favours ; 
we should cease to be Irishmen were we deficient in gratitude. 
But determined not to detain you from those great objects, which, 
luckily for this kingdom, occupy both your time and talents, we 
entreat you will consider this Address as containing all those warm 
expressions of genuine gratitude, and all the language of heart- 
felt acknowledgments, which are so abundantly due to the spirited 
author of our political emancipation — to the watchful guardian of 
our rights and liberties. And, believe us, Sir, when we observe, 
that we look with anxious impatience and honest ambition to that 
fortunate day, in which your great political powers, and pre-eminent- 
ly distinguished abilities, shall be allowed to take a decided lead in 
the ministerial measures of Ireland. 

Resolved, That the above Resolutions and Address be pub- 
lished in Saunders' News Letter. 

JOHN HEARTWELL, \ n , , , 
JAMES TANDY, j Churchwardens. 

Monday, 12th of January, 1795, being public quarter-day of 
the Corporation of Merchants or Guild of the Holy Trinity, 

Jer. D. O'Lier and Nath. Hone. 

Samuel Tyndall and Hugh Skeys. 

The following Address was unanimously agreed to be presented 
to our worthy brother the Right Honourable Henry Grattan, 
representative in Parliament for the city of Dublin. 


We, the Masters, Wardens, and Brethren of the Corpor- 
ation of Merchants, presuming on the peculiar attention you have 
ever paid to the interests of this metropolis, beg leave again to 
recommend to your exertions the abolition of the present system 
of police, which repeated experience confirms us in the opinion 
to be obnoxious, oppressive, and inefficacious. In duty to our- 
selves and our fellow citizens, we present to your consideration 
the propriety of an inquiry into the conduct of the board for paving, 
lighting, and cleansing the city of Dublin. The tax levied on the 
inhabitants for those desirable purposes being great, the accom- 
modation given in return to the public being inadequate and in- 




efficient. Confiding in your zeal for the general welfare of the 
country, and sensible of the great importance of the subject, we 
entreat your aid to any investigation which may be instituted in 
Parliament relating to the operation of the corn laws of the king- 
dom. We cannot avoid expressing our apprehensions, that the 
system requires some alteration or modification, when the safety 
of the public so often demands the disagreeble, though necessary 
interference of the executive power to suspend the law of the land. 
Allow us once more to express to you our grateful acknowledg- 
ments for your services in Parliament ; we have viewed with plea- 
sure and satisfaction your exertions to conciliate, interest, and 
unite our fellow subjects in support of that happy constitution 
which your virtue, wisdom, and splendid talents have been so 
eminently displayed to establish, to defend, and to invigorate. 

Which I attest, 

CHAS. SEXTON, Clk. Gld. 

Mr. Grattans Ansv.-er. 


I am much honoured by the confidence you place in me, 
and I shall endavour to merit its continuation by directing my 
attention to those subjects which are to the welfare of the manu- 
factures of this city so highly interesting. 

I see the situation of your trade in particular, and it shall not 
want my humble but sincere assistance : that my assistance shall 
be successful I cannot promise ; I am sure it is well intended. 
I have the honour to be, 

Your most obedient humble Servant, 


The following Address of the Catholics of Dublin was presented 
to Mr. G rattan by the Gentlemen appointed for that purpose 
at the Meeting in Francis Street, on the 27th February, 1795. 

To the Right Honourable Henry Grattan. 


We are instructed by the Catholics of Dublin to offer you 
their humble tribute of thanks and gratitude, as well for the emi- 
nent services which you have rendered to this kingdom on various 
occasions, as for your able and generous exertions in their cause. 
It is not easy to do justice to the merits of a man whoso name is 
connected with the most brilliant events of his time ; and who has 
already obtained the highest of all titles, the deliverer of his 
country : but though it is impossible to add to your fame, by any 
terms we can employ, it must be grateful to you to learn, that you 
have a place, not only in the admiration, but in the affections of 
your countrymen. 

To be thus loved and admired is surely an enviable distinction. 
It may not, perhaps, be sufficient to preserve or purchase station 
and power at court, but to a well-formed mind it is a source of 
u 3 




purer satisfaction, than the favour and protection even of monarchs 
or their ministers. 

Few men have had it in their power to do so much for their native 
land, as you have done for Ireland. When you first entered into 
public life, garrison habits, and provincial prejudices, were opposed 
to Irish interests and feelings ; and, what was still more discourag- 
ing, the different descriptions of people in this country, far from 
being ready to meet in a common point for their mutual advantage, 
were kept asunder by perverse and unintelligible antipathies of a 
religious nature. Into this chaos of contradiction you infused 
your spirit, and brought order in some measure out of confusion. 

The first effort of your eloquence was to rouse the Irish Parlia- 
ment to assert its own independence ; and, notwithstanding the 
habits of subjection which particular causes had induced, you 
were successful. 

At present you are engaged in a pursuit equally honourable to 
your head, and still more to your heart. As mover of the Ca- 
tholic bill, you are endeavouring to inculcate the necessity of 
moderation and justice, where you before inspired courage ; and 
urging men who triumphed over foreign supremacy, to an act of 
much greater dignity and difficulty, a sacrifice of the prejudices 
of their youth and education. 

In this work, so full of genius and public spirit, and 'which goes 
to the creation of a people, as your former exertions went to the 
forming of a constitution, you have already made considerable 
progress ; and when you and your illustrious friends were called 
to the councils of a virtuous Viceroy, we looked with confidence 
to the accomplishment of your patriotic intentions. 

Some enemy, however, to the King and to the people has inter- 
posed his malignant and wicked suggestions, and endeavoured to 
throw obstacles in the way of our total emancipation. But we are 
far from giving way to sentiments of despondency and alarm. We 
feel the justice of our pretensions, and we are persuaded that what 
is just will prevail over the arts of perfidy and falsehood. 

What gives us the most sensible satisfaction is the general union 
of sentiment that pervades all ranks and descriptions of Irishmen 
on the present occasion. Never before did Ireland speak with a 
voice so unanimous. Protestants and Catholics are at this moment 
united, and seem to have no other contest but who shall resent 
most the outrage that has been offered to Irish pride in the in- 
tended removal of a patriotic Viceroy * from the government, and 
you and your friends from the councils of this kingdom. 

For our own part, it shall be our study to cultivate an union so 
happily begun. We have no selfish or narrow views. We do not 
wish to acquire privileges for ourselves, in order to abridge the 
privileges of others ; for we know that, in matters of liberty and 
constitution, to give is to gain. 

* Earl Fitzwilliarrij who came to Ireland in January, and was recalled in 
February, 1795, 

Appendix.^ lord fitz William's recall. 


With regard to the men who may have the hardihood to take 
the situations which you and your friends are about to lay down, if 
unfortunately for this country such an event should happen, we 
shall only say, that we do not envy them the sensations which they 
must take up at the same time. That man's temper must be of 
steel, who can hold up his head amidst the hisses of a betrayed 
and irritated nation. 

As to you and your friends, your departure from power will not 
disturb the serenity of your minds. The veneration and gratitude 
of the people will attend you in retirement, and will preserve you 
from reflections which must be the portion of those who may be 
your dismal and melancholy successors. 

Signed by order, 

JOHN SWEETMAN, Secretary. 

Mr. Grattans Ansxver. 


In supporting you, I support the Protestant. We have 
but one interest and one honour, and whoever gives privileges to 
you, gives vigour to all. The Protestant already begins to per- 
ceive it. A late attack has rallied the scattered spirits of the 
country, from the folly of religious schism, to the recollection of 
national honour, and a nation's feuds are lost in a nation's resent- 
ment. Your emancipation -will pass ; rely on it, your emancipation 
must pass : it may be death to one Viceroy, it will be the peace- 
offering of another; and the laurel may be torn from the dead 
brow of one governor to be craftily converted into the olive of 
his successor. 

Let me advise you by no means to postpone the consideration 
of your fortunes till after the war ; rather let Britain receive the 
benefit of your zeal during the exigency which demands it, and 
you yourselves while you are fighting to preserve the blessing of a 
constitution, have really and bona Jide those blessings. 

Mv wi>h is that you should be free now ; there is no other policy 
which is not low and little; let us at once instantly embrace, and 
greatly emancipate. 

On this principle I mean to introduce your bill, with your per- 
mission, immediately after the recess. 

You are pleased to speak of the confidence and power with which 
for a moment I was supposed to have been possessed. 

When his Majesty's ministers were pleased to resort to our support, 
they took us with the incumbrance of our reputation, and with all 
our debts and mortgages which we owed to our country. 

To have accepted a share of confidence and council without a 
view to private advantage, will not meet I hope with the disappro- 
bation of my country; but to have accepted that share without any 
view to public advantage, would have been refinement on the folly 
of ambition ; measures, therefore, public measures and arrange- 
ments, and that which is now disputed, were stipulated by us, 
were promised in one quarter, and with assurances they were not 
resisted in another. 

u 4 



In the service of government, under his Excellency's admini- 
stration, we directed our attention to two great objects, the king- 
dom and the empire. We obtained certain beneficial laws ; the 
discovery and reformation of certain abuses, and were in progress 
to reform more ; we obtained a great force, and a great supply with 
the consent and confidence of the people. These were not the 
measures of courtiers, they were the measures of ministers. ■ 

His Excellency Lord Fitzwilliam may boast that he offered to 
the empire the affections of millions, a better aid to the war than 
his enemies can furnish, who have forfeited those affections, and 
put themselves in their place. 

So decidedly have the measures of Ireland served the empire, 
that those who were concerned in them might appeal from the 
cabals of the British cabinet to the sense of the British nation. 
I know of no cause afforded for the displeasure of the English 
cabinet; but if services done to Ireland, are crimes which cannot 
be atoned for by exertions for the empire, I must lament the 
gloomy prospects of both kingdoms, and receive a discharge from 
the service of government, as the only honour an English minister 
can confer on an Irish subject. 

I conceive the continuance of Lord Fitzwilliam as necessary for 
the prosperity of this kingdom ; his Jirm integrity is formed to cor- 
rect, his mild manners to reconcile, and his private example to dis- 
countenance a progress of vulgar and rapid pollution ; if he is to 
retire, I condole uoith my country. For myself, the pangs on that 
occasion I should feel, on rendering up my small portion of minis- 
terial breath, would be little, were it not for the gloomy prospects 
afforded by those dreadful guardians which are likely to succeed. 
I tremble at the return to power of your old task-masters ; that 
combination which galled the country with its tyranny, insulted 
her by its manners, exhausted her by its rapacity, and slandered 
her by its malice; should such a combination, at once inflamed as it 
must be now, by the favour of the British court and by the repro- 
bation of the Irish people, return to power, I have no hesitation 
to say that they ivill extinguish Ireland, or Ireland must remove 
them. It is not your case only but that of the nation. I find the 
country already committed in the struggle ; I beg to be committed 
along with her, and to abide the issues of her fortunes. 

I should have expected that there had been a wisdom and faith 
in some quarter of another country, that would have prevented such 
catastrophe ; but I know it is no proof of that wisdom to take the 
taxes, continue the abuses, damp the zeal, and dash away the affec- 
tion of so important a member of the empire as the people of Ire- 
land ; and when this country came forward, cordial and confident, 
with the offering of her treasure and blood, and resolute to stand 
or fall with the British nation. It is, I say, no proof of wisdom nor 
generosity to select that moment to plant a dagger in her heart. 

But whatsoever shall be the event, I will adhere to her interests 
to the last moment of my life. 


Appendix.'] loud fitzwilliam's rlcall. 

Address of the Roman Catholics of the county of Tipperary ? 
20th March, 1795. 

To the Right Hon. Henry Grattan. 


If services to Ireland are to be deemed crimes, if a life 
devoted to the successful assertion of the dignity and independence 
of his native country, excites the suspicion and distrust of those 
who seem desirous to convert an imperial kingdom into a dependent 
province, the patriot who enjoys the confidence, and has earned 
the gratitude of millions, will find in the consciousness of his own 
integrity the best reward of his virtues, and the firmest support of 
his measures, in the unanimous concurrence and approbation of 
every class of the people. 

The baleful breach of narrow and bigotted politicians may check, 
but cannot destroy, the blossoms of our just expectations whilst 
you live ; and we think we cannot despair that freedom, constitu- 
tional freedom, will extend and must be imparted to all Irishmen. 

You, Sir, have our confidence; and whilst we have formed the 
most sanguine expectations from your unshaken virtue, and most 
brilliant talents, we feel at the same time an honest pride by our 
attachment to the constitution, and by our long tried loyalty, to 
have entitled ourselves to your approbation and support. 
Signed by order, 

THOMAS LA NIG AN, Chairman. 
GEORGE GREENE, Secretary. 

Mr. Grattan s Answer. 


I thank you for the confidence you are pleased to 
repose in me, and for the choice of the time in which you are 
pleased to express it. 

To have incurred the displeasure of a powerful quarter is to me 
no new misfortune. If I wanted consolation, I have it in my own 
conviction, in your confidence, and in the approbation of my 

The justice of your cause, your attachment to his Majesty, your 
desire to preserve and cultivate a connexion with Great Britain, 
the firm but dutiful tone with which you apply for privileges, and 
now the interposition of your Protestant brethren in your favour, 
must ultimately secure your success. 

The tranquillity observed at this present interesting moment, in 
places, too, where so many rumours to the contrary were so confi- 
dently circulated, is an argument that the Catholics are too much 
in earnest to be tumultuary, and that they seek through the peace 
of the country the privileges of the constitution. 

The most adverse to your cause, (save the few who are always 
adverse to the people,) will at last sec the propriety of your 


lord fitzwilliam's recall. [Appendix. 

claims ; they will surrender their prejudices to their patriotism, and 
receiving you as fellow-subjects and fellow-freemen; will in the end 
give an honest victory to their intellect and their understanding. 
In common with the rest of the country, I lament that by the recall 
of Lord Fitzwilliam your expectations of redress should have re- 
ceived so great a discouragement ; but I shall despond, indeed, if 
the departure of his Excellency was to be followed by the resto- 
ration of the old system of government and its advisers. If restored 
to their power, I have said they would extinguish their country ; 
after mature deliberation, I Jeel myself obliged to repeat the ex^ 
pression in its fullest extent. 

It is on the same due consideration I must again repeat another 
part of a former answer, where I have the honour to express my 
entire concurrence with those who have remonstrated to the throne 
against the restoration of that destructive and degrading system of 
government ; committed as I feel myself, to support to the utmost 
of my poor abilities, my countrymen and their just efforts, and to 
share the unjust resentments to which such efforts may expose 

I have the honour to be 

Your very humble Servant, 



At a most respectable and numerous Meeting, held in pursuance 
of a requisition from 110 citizens, April 2d, 1795. 


ALDERMAN FERGUSON, /^ residin g- 

Resolved unanimously, That the government of Earl Fitz- 
william, having for its objects the union of all the people of Ireland 
in attachment to the constitution, by admitting all to the full en- 
joyment of its privileges ; the improvement of the people, by pro- 
viding for all classes the means of education ; the alleviation of the 
public burthens, by retrenchment and reform ; and the security of 
the kingdom from external attack, or internal commotion, by con- 
ciliating the affection and meriting the confidence of the people ; 
hath fully justified the favourable opinion of his Lordship's charac- 
ter and councils which we early expressed. 

Resolved unanimously, That the recall of Earl Fitzwilliam ex- 
cites in us the deepest regret, and the most serious alarm ; we 
regret that the nation is deprived of able and honest ministers, and 
we feel the most serious alarm lest the government should return 
into the hands of a combination of men, who, for a series of years, 
have galled the country by their tyranny, insulted it by their man- 
ners, exhausted it by their rapacity, and slandered it by their 
malice ; and thus colour be given to the dangerous doctrine, that 

Appendix.'] lord fitzwilliam's recall. 


a British minister prefers the interests of a few individuals, to the 
peace, union, and prosperity of a whole people. 

Resolved unanimously, That the thanks of this Meeting be given 
to Mr. Grattan, and the other members of Lord Fitzwilliam's ad- 
ministration, for their liberal and enlightened policy ; particularly 
evinced in their purpose of restoring to our Catholic brethren the 
full enjoyment of the privileges of the constitution. 

Resolved unanimously, That these resolutions be signed by the 
secretary, and transmitted to our representatives in Parliament, 
who are hereby instructed, as they value the good opinion of their 
constituents, the prosperity of this nation, the connexion with 
Great Britain, (which we most earnestly desire to maintain,) and 
the sacred rights of the constitution that are so deservedly dear to 
us, to exert themselves in procuring the exclusion from any share 
in the government of this country, those men who have advised 
measures so injurious to its interests, and so hazardous of its 

Resolved unanimously, That copies of these resolutions be 
transmitted to the Duke of Portland, Earl Fitzwilliam, and Mr. 
Grattan ; and that they be published. 

James Scott, Esq. being called to the chair, 

Resolved unanimously, That the thanks of this Meeting be 
given to Alderman Lecky and Alderman Ferguson, for their con- 
vening this meeting, agreeable to the anxious desire of the citizens, 
and for their proper conduct as presidents. 

Signed by order. 

At a Meeting of the Gentlemen and Freeholders of the County of 
Gal way, convened by the High Sheriff, April, 5, 1795, a 
Petition to his Majesty, and this Address to the Right Hon. 
Henry Grattan, was agreed on unanimously. 

To the Right Hon. H. Grattan. 


We lament with you, but we condole with the empire, that 
some malignant influence has caused you to retreat from your mi- 
nisterial situation ; we lament that you have lost power*, inasmuch 
as we deplore that the active influence of virtue is diminished; 
as patriots, we hailed the auspicious inaugurations of virtue and 
talents in the Irish Cabinet ; as patriots, we lament it is suspended; 
while you could influence, we had no doubt but that we should be 
united into one people, by the removal of every civil distinction 
arising from religious difference of opinion, and that thereby we 
should deserve the name of a nation. 

Sir, It is highly honourable to your nature, although not to the 
age we live in, that your dismission was supposed a necessary and 
previous step to the return of some that are not reputed to love 
the people. 

CHARLES BLAKE, High Sheriff. 

* Though Mr. Grattan was consulted, he held no office or place under the 




Mr. Grattan s Answer. 


In or out of confidence, with or without a share of power, 
in all the changes of political life, I am attached to your interests 
for ever. 

Ministers every hour may precipitate, but the country is a fixed 
light, and in that luminary I shall never want an object to serve 
and to contemplate. The late Lord Lieutenant, who so wisely 
and mildly administered this country, was pleased to honour me 
with a certain share of his confidence. I feel myself particularly 
happy when the choice of the purest mind is confirmed by the ap- 
probation of my country. 

In your address to me, so kind and so honourable, you much 
over-rate my talents. 1 hope you do not over-rate my principles; 
but whatever they are, talents or principles, they are at the ser- 
vice of the public. Nor do I know of any question more a part of 
that service, than the one you so justly recommend — the emanci- 
pation of the Catholics ; those who may succeed to direct the 
councils of this country could not have a prouder opportunity, 
nor do I know of any legacy to bequeath them more valuable, 
than the power of giving freedom to such a portion of their fel- 
low subjects. 

I would accompany that bequest with a parting prayer, " That, 
whoever shall be your ministers, they may exceed their predeces- 
sors in talents, and rival them in patriotism ; and above all, that 
they may avoid the dreadful system of abuses and grievances, of 
tyranny and plunder, that formerly blemished the government of 
their country." — To exercise the functions of a minister, it is 
necessary to have the confidence of the sovereign. But there is 
another qualification for the minister of a free country, not less 
indispensable than the choice of the king — it is the love of the 

Gentlemen, I have the honour to be, 

With the greatest esteem, 

Your most humble Servant, 


The following is the Address presented to Mr. Grattan, by the 
Students of the University. 

To the Right Hon. Henry Grattan. 


We, the Students of the University of Dublin, entering 
with the warmest sympathy into the universal feeling and interest 
of our countrymen, beg leave to unite our voice with theirs in 
declaring our admiration of your great and uncommon talents, 
and a reliance on your steady patriotism and unshaken integrity. 
We have with sorrow beheld the removal of a beloved Viceroy, 
whose arrival we regarded as the promise of public reform, and 
his presence the pledge of general tranquillity. 



If this event should be accompanied, (as we have reason to ap- 
prehend) by your removal from his Majesty's councils in this 
nation, our regret will have received the last additional circum- 
stance of aggravation, and our despondency will be complete. 
Relying, however, on the wisdom and benignity of his Majesty, 
we yet entertain a hope that the nation will not be deprived of the 
salutary measures flowing from your councils and advice, and that 
the harmony and strength of Ireland will be founded on the solid 
bases of Catholic emancipation, and the reform of those griev- 
ances which have inflamed public indignation. 

We therefore entreat you to persevere in exerting the full 
energy of your splendid talents for the attainment of those objects 
which the present alarming posture of affairs, and the consenting 
wishes of the nation so loudly demand. 

THOMAS MOORE, Chairman. 
\Y. WILLIS, Secretary. 

Mr. Grattans Answer. 

Ingenuous Young Men, 

For this effusion of the heart, I owe you more than ordi- 
nary gratitude, and am proud to sympathize in your native, 
honest, and unadulterated impressions. I receive your address 
as the offering of the young year — a better garland than the arti- 
ficial honours of a court; it is the work of disinterested hands, 
and the present of uncontaminated hearts. May that ardour which 
glows in 3'our breasts long exist, and may the sentiments which 
you breathe long prevail ; they are founded in principle, enlightened 
by letters, and supported by spirit. The subjects which you 
mention and recommend, I feel and shall pursue. 

I lament the recall of a patriot Viceroy. Assisted by men much 
abler than myself, the reform of that system you condemn I shall 
not fail to attempt ; bound as I now am, to the rising, as well as 
the passing age, and happy, as I shall be, to go on in the service 
of both. 

I join in your fullest wishes for the Catholics; and I feel the im- 
portant service which you now render them, by marking in their 
favour the sentiments of the rising generation ; doing, at the same 
time, so much honour to yourselves, when you give, I had almost 
said, your first vote in favour of your country. 

I am bound to your University by every tie of affection and 
duty. The sentiments of your address give me a new and just 
opportunity of saying to her, through you — " Esto Perpetua" — 
Thou seat of science, and mother of virtue. 

Iam, with the sincerest regard, 

Your most humble Servant, 


9th April, 1795. 


lord fitzwilliam's recall. [Appendix* 

At a Meeting of the Corporation of Cutlers, Painter-Stainers, and 
Stationers, or Guild of St. Luke, Dublin, on Tuesday the 7th 
day of April, 1795, being quarter day, it was 

Resolved unanimously, that the removal of Earl Fitzwilliam 
from the Government of this Country, has been, in our opinion, a 
national calamity ; from the prospect which his administration 
afforded of a reform of many corruptions and abuses ; the estab- 
lishment of an enlarged and liberal system of public education 
the abatement of malignant persecutions, and above all, that ob- 
ject which has, at length, become so dear and interesting to Irish- 
men, — a complete restoration of rights and privileges to the great 
body of the people. 

Resolved unanimously, That, whilst we express the warmest 
approbation of the conduct of our faithful representative, the 
Right Hon. Henry Grattan, and glory in being " committed" 
with him for the salvation of Ireland, we do also exhort him, at 
this momentous crisis, to pursue, with unabating energy, the at- 
tainment of these important objects : — persuaded that the sub- 
tilties of a British cabinet, and the insulting domination of its 
supporters here, must yield to the determined and constitutional 
voice of a united country. 

Resolved, That these Resolutions be communicatedto Mr. Grat- 
tan in the most respectful manner. 

The Corporation, on the same day, 

Resolved unanimously, That the minority of the Common 
Council of the city of Dublin, deserve our warmest thanks, for 
their manly opposition to that system of discord and disunion, 
uniformly pursued to divide the people, under the shadow of reli- 
gious distinctions, but solely kept up for the more certain security 
of preserving the means of corrupting the Magistrates of this 

Resolved, That these resolutions, together with Mr. Grattan's 
answer, he published in the public papers. 


■ i 


Mr. Grattan's Ansuoer. 
Gentlemen, 13th April, 1795. 

The system, with which the people, by their numerous 
remonstrances, are committed, I agree with you is inconsistent 
with the salvation of the country. I hope no British minister will 
be rash enough to revive it. I rejoice that my countrymen have 
had the spirit and judgment to bear their honest testimony against 
it; and I join in their remonstrances from the bottom of my heart, 
making no doubt that their constitutional efforts, and united voice, 
must at last prevail. 

Appendix.'] lord fitzwillia.m's recall. 


To the utmost of my power, but with what hopes of speedy 
success I know not, I shall labour for the improvements you re- 
commend, — for the emancipation of our Catholic brethren, and 
for the blessings of a mild government, that loves the people of 
Ireland, whose object shall be their liberty, and whose reward 
shall be their approbation. 

I have the honour to he, with the greatest regard, 
Your most humble Servant, 


On Tuesday, 27th April, 1795, the following Address was pre- 
sented to the Right Hon. Henry Grattan, by the Gentlemen 
delegated for that purpose, by the Catholics of the Queen's 

To the Right Honourable Henry Grattan. 


We, the Catholics of the Queen's County, in common with 
our brethren throughout the kingdom, join to approach you, with 
the most sincere and unfeigned expressions of gratitude, as well 
for those benefits which you were so instrumental in procuring for 
us, as for those which you had given us the best founded reason 
to expect, from the commencement of that administration, of which 
you formed so distinguished a part, and whose premature termi- 
nation we most sincerely deplore. 

But when we thus express our feelings as Catholics, suffer us to 
add, that we consider ourselves still more bound to you by esteem 
and gratitude, as Irishmen. We respect and honour that con- 
sistent patriotism, which carried into office, the sentiments and the 
principles of opposition — the measures proposed by you and your 
illustrious colleagues — the investigation of ancient abuses — the 
detection of unbounded peculation — the restoration of a whole 
people to their just rights — the general spirit of reform which ac- 
tuated your councils, though they could not but render you ob- 
noxious to a British cabinet, have established you firmly and com- 
pletely in the hearts of your grateful countrymen. A removal 
from power, produced by such conduct, reflects no dishonour, 
it is those who succeed you that merit condolence. The dungeon 
of Kosciusko has more true splendour than the palaces of his op- 
pressors. For us, as Catholics, as Irishmen, as connected with 
you, from our local situation in this country, by more immediate 
ties, we again beg leave, in our own name and in that of our country, 
to return you our most sincere thanks, and to assure you of our 
most ardent gratitude and firm support ; and to request that you 
may continue your honourable career, until you shall restore your 


lord fitzwilliam's recall. [Appendix, 

countrymen to the constitution, as you have already restored a 
constitution to your country. 

Signed by order, 
On behalf of the Catholics of the Queens County, 

JAMES WARREN, Chairman. 

Mr. Grattaris Answer. 


Your Address coming from a county with which I am con- 
nected, deserves, on my part, particular attention. Whatever 
advantages you have hitherto obtained, they are short of my wishes 
— what you are likely, for the present, to obtain, will prove, per- 
haps, short of my hopes ; if so, the disappointment you will attri- 
bute to other causes than the want of sincerity and zeal in your 

In common with others, I have contended for your emancipation, 
— for that, for other objects of public good, I shall persist to con- 
tend to the utmost of my power, and to the end of my life. 

To correct the abuses that have taken place in the government 
of this kingdom, and to change the old system by which she M-as 
disgraced, was on those, who were consulted by the last chief 
government, a necessary duty ; on those who now sway the coun- 
cils of this country, the same duty devolves. I hope they will 
discharge it with fidelity, and by so doing, prevent the degradation 
both of the country and of themselves. 

I am happy to see your body unite with us, under the general 
description of Irishmen, of that honour no civil incapacities can de- 
prive you. To the name of Irishmen, I should wish to add the 
full privileges of free subjects ; and thus increase the honour, by 
enlarging the interest. 

I am, Gentlemen, with the greatest respect, 

Your very humble Servant, 



Saturday, 29th July, 1797. 

At a numerous Meeting of the Freemen and Freeholders of the 
City of Dublin, held this day at the Royal Exchange, pursuant 
to public notice. 

Hon. V. B. LAWLESS in the Chair. 
The following Resolutions were unanimously agreed to. 

Resolved, That by right and the principles of the constitution, 
the people are entitled exclusively to appoint the third estate of the 
legislature, and that the security of their civil and political liberty, 
depends upon the uninterrupted enjoyment of that indefeasible 




Resolved, That as the Commons House is at present consti- 
tuted, the return of more than two-thirds thereof is usurped by a 
few individuals as private property, and that as to the remainder, 
any attempt to exercise the popular right is rendered fruitless, 
through the corrupt and enormous influence of the crown, and 
hazardous through the recent introduction and violent exercise of 
a military power, by which great numbers of our unfortunate coun- 
trymen, on the slightest suspicions of their entertaining political 
opinions different from those of the present administration, have 
had their houses burned, or been themselves transported or put to 
death, without even the form of accusation or trial ! 

Resolved, therefore, That not wishing to have any exercise of the 
elective suffrage that is not free, nor any representation of the peo- 
ple that is not fall, fair, and adequate — we will abstain from any 
interference whatever at the ensuing election, and, as far as in us 
lies, leave to the King's ministers the appointment of the King's 

Resolved, That we do heartily approve of the principles and 
sentiments contained in the Address of our late excellent repre- 
sentative, the Right Hon. Henry Grattan * ; and that we are sen- 
sible he has not retired from that post, which he so eminently filled, 
as long as any hope remained that the parliamentary exercise of 
his virtues and talents could be of advantage to his country. But 
we trust he will recollect, that his public duty does not cease with 
his representative situation. 

V. B. LAWLESS, Chairman. 

Hon. V. B. Lawless having left the chair, and James Hartley, 
Esq. having been called thereto, 

Resolved, That the thanks of this Meeting be given to the Hon. 
V. B. Lawless, for li is spirited and proper conduct in the chair; 
and that these Resolutions be published. 


Mr. Grattan s Answer. 
My Fellow Citizens, 

A slight indisposition has prevented me from giving your re- 
solution an immediate answer. When the country is put down, the 
press destroyed, and public meetings, for the purpose of exercising 
the right of petition to remove ministers, are threatened and dis- 
persed by the military, I agree with you, that a general election is 
no more than an opportunity to exercise, by permission of the 
army, the solitary privilege to return a few representatives of the 
people, to a house occupied by the representatives of boroughs. 
When the Irish Parliament was perpetual or provincial, it was of 
little moment how that Parliament was constituted ; but becoming 
independent, it became essential that it should become constitu- 
tional ; and in order to be constitutional, it was necessary that the 
commons should form an integral part thereof. Fourteen years 
you gave to the experiment, and having failed, withdraw. You 

* Address to the citizens of Dublin, on his declining to stand for the represent. 
>iion of the City ; vide ante. 





refuse to take a small portion of that representation, the whole of 
which belongs to you — you will not confirm an unjust distribution 
of your property, by becoming a poor rent-charger on a poor por- 
tion of your inheritance — you refuse to give your sanction to your 
exclusion, and will not attend a ceremony which has proved the 
trade of the individual, and the ruin of the country. While I en- 
tertain such an opinion, I beg to express my profound respect for 
some enlightened and valuable individuals who differ from me; 
opposed to their opinion I should suspect my otvn, if it was not 
fortified by yours. I think the people of this country are perfectly 
right, when they insist to be nothing less than the whole of the 
third estate — the people are, in contemplation of the constitution, 
only a part of the legislature ; but they are the whole of the Com- 
mons. Is that too much they gave to the crown ? They ask 
the representation — they ask the representation of that prince to 
whom they gave the crown, without derogating from any of those 
rights which exist, independent of any artificial formation the peo- 
ple claim, under the general constitution of the land, and under 
their own particular declaration of right, to be an integral part of 
the legislature. The constitution tells them, that their liberty 
exists in their exemption from any laws, save those to which, by 
representation, they consent — their declaration of rights tells 
them, that the King, the Lords, and the Commons of Ireland, are 
the only body competent to make her laws ; by which it is not 
only asserted that the Irish Parliament is exclusively the Irish le- 
gislature, but that the people are an integral part thereof. If, then, 
the people are not suffered to form that integral part, the 
constitution of the realm, and the claim of right, are evaded and 
defeated ; the minister stands in the place of Parliament, he becomes 
the arbiter of your lives and fortunes, and transfers that dominion 
to the British cabinet, on whom he depends, and thus reimposes 
on this realm the legislative power of another country. 

When your ministers tell you, that a reform in Parliament was 
only a popular pretence, I cannot believe them to be in earnest. I 
wish they had made the experiment— -happy had it been for the 
country, happy had it been for themselves — they would then, in- 
deed, have possessed but one-third of the constitution, but they 
would not have lost the whole of the empire. 

Foreign disgrace leads naturally, and of course, to the subject of 
domestic oppression. I cannot here omit that part of your reso- 
lution, which adverts to the barbarities committed on the habi- 
tations, property, and persons of the people ; and I beg to join 
with yours my testimony against such repeated wanton, savage, 
abominable, and permitted outrages, barbarities, and murders, 
such as no printer will now dare to publish, lest he, too, should be 
plundered or murdered, for the ordinary exercise of his trade. 

I beg to take this opportunity of returning my thanks to the 
Aldermen of Skinner's Alley, who have expressed their appro- 
bation of my conduct — I do believe our measures were agreeable 
to the sense of the nation — I lament they were not seconded by 
the majority of Parliament. If that majority, whose motives I do not 
discuss, whose infatuation I lament ; if that majority, instead of at- 




taching itself to the court, had considered itself as a part and par- 
cel of the people, they had consulted their dignity better. Why 
am I superior to ministers or viceroys ? Because I do not assume 
to be superior to my fellow citizens. Had that majority taken a 
proud post, and identified with the people ; had they seized the 
opportunity of doing justice to Ireland, and, instead of voting mil- 
lions, without getting any thing for the country, supported us on 
our motion to ameliorate the condition of the peasantry, in our 
motion in an equal trade, in our attempts to emancipate the 
Catholics and to reform the Parliament, their country would now have 
liberty and peace, instead of distraction at home, and negociation 
abroad, where the British negociator remains with 110 Irish 
boroughs about his neck, to pay for every felony the minister has 
committed on the Irish, so many Erics in empire. 

You express a wish that my public duty should not cease with 
my representative capacity; in that idea I entirely concur — my 
-car in Parliament was but a part of my situation, my relationship 
to my country was higher and more permanent — the duty of a 
citizen is commensurate with the powers of body and mind. 
I have the honour to be, with the greatest respect, 

Your most humble Servant, 



IGth January, 1800. 

At a most numerous and respectable Meeting of the Freemen and 
Freeholders of the City of Dublin, assembled this day, by re- 
quisition, at the Sessions House. 

The High Sheriffs in the Chair. 
The following Gentlemen were constituted a Committee, who 
reported the following Resolution and Address, which were unani- 
mously agreed to by the Meeting : Mr. Hartley, Mr. Dease, 
Mr. Rawlins, Mr. R. Macdonnell, Mr. Moore, and Mr. Alderman 

That the constitution of Ireland, as established at the memor- 
able period of 1782, is the indefeasible and unalienable right of 
ourselves and our posterity. 

That we do most solemnly and firmly protest against any acts 
which in destroying that constitution, exceeds the powers with 
which, our representatives in Parliament have been invested, and 
we do assert, that they have no right to adopt the disgraceful pro- 
posal of this our extinction for ever. Their powers are limited in 
time and extent, but the rights of the people are unprescriptable 
and immortal. 

That the reproposal of the measure of a legislative union with 
Great Britain, to the same Parliament, which, not a year since, 
rejected then its discussion with indignation, is as insulting as its 
consequences may be dreadful. 

x 2 




That the means resorted to for the purpose of procuring a par- 
liamentary concurrence in this measure, and a delusive approbation 
of the people, are base and unconstitutional, and we call on those 
who supported the measure, to recollect that while they think 
they can violate the constitution with impunity, we remember we 
have taken a solemn oath to it. 

That we contemplate with horror the ungenerous language 
held to us in the hour of our distress — the manner in which we 
acquired our glorious constitution is openly avowed ; it remains for 
us to say, that a constitution which we proudty asserted, ought 
never to be basely surrendered ; and we pledge ourselves most 
solemnly, while we have life, we will never be the willing slaves of 
dishonourable negotiation. 

That we hail the auspicious moment of internal unanimity, when 
the cordial concurrence and co-operation of all sects and per- 
suasions, as common brothers in a common cause, shall render any 
attempt upon our liberties, from whatever quarter it may proceed, 
disgraceful and ineffectual. 

That the grateful thanks of this meeting be returned to the vir- 
tuous minority of the House of Commons, who supported the inde- 
pendence of Ireland, by opposing a legislative union with Great 

That we feel the most lively satisfaction, at the return of our late 
able and virtuous representative, Henry Grattan, Esq. to our 
senate, at this alarming crisis of our liberty, and that we derive the 
most encouraging presage from the addition of such splendid 
talents, and such well tried virtue to the honest friends of Ireland, 
who unseduced by corruption, and unawed by power, have con- 
tinued firm to the trust reposed in them by their country. 

That the following Address be presented to Mr. Grattan. 


For your spirit and patriotism, accept our most grateful ac- 
knowledgments — you have come forward at a time most critical to 
Irish liberty, to save the constitution. 

This attempt of the minister, the annexation for ever of the 
kingdom of Ireland to the British Parliament, is hateful to every 
lover of his country. When you so illustriously distinguished 
yourself, in establishing the independence of the Irish legislature, 
the support of the people was not wanting ; you will have it on 
this occasion, and with your virtues and talents it would be cri- 
minal to despair of success. 

Resolved, That the High Sheriffs be requested to present said 
Resolutions and Address, accompanied by such Freemen and 
Freeholders as choose to attend. 

Mr. Grattan s Answer. 


I agree with you in thinking the present crisis to be truly 
alarming : after considering the project of a union fully, fairly, and 
dispassionately, with every advantage promised and professed, / do 




really and sincerely think it the worst measure ever proposed in 
the country. I shall contribute my mite to oppose it. I have no 
confidence in the powers of my own broken and shattered ex- 
ertions*, but 1 have sufficient strength remaining to bear my last 
testimony against an union. 


Dublin, 18th January, 180Q. 

At a Meeting of the Master, Wardens, and Brethren of the Cor- 
poration of Hosiers, or Guild of Saint George, held at their 
Hall, on Thursday the 17th of December, 1801, the same being 
Quarter Day, the following Resolutions were agreed to, viz. 

Resolved, That as several candidates are canvassing for the 
representation of this city, in the event of a dissolution of Parlia- 
ment, we deem it our duty as a corporate body, vitally interested 
in the peace and welfare of this metropolis, so to express our sen- 
timents as shall assist timely to express all vain and improper pre- 
tensions, while they assure such as are founded on the basis of 
independent principle and liberal character, and, therefore, merit 
the support of liberal and independent men. 

Resolved, That we view with the deepest concern the attempts 
which are now making to debase the proud and invaluable cha- 
racter of an elector, into the instrument of bigotted and party 
rage, and to revive in the public mind, those heats and animosities, 
whose past action all humane and worthy men deplore, and which 
every good and truly loyal subject wishes to be sunk in utter 
oblivion ; and we conceive, that practices so generally injurious to 
public peace and social confidence, and particularly hurtful to the 
interests of this city, render it the more obligatory on us to act, as 
early as possible, on the preceding resolution. 

Resolved, That great commercial situation and connexion, a 
character at once unstained by the violence and extremes of party, 
and upheld by rational loyalty and patriotism, and an independ- 
ence of fortune placing its possessor above the temptations of 
corruption, are the best qualifications which can be combined in a 
representative of this great trading city, and form necessary secu- 
rities for the rights and interests of his constituents. 

Resolved, That we consider those important qualifications emi- 
nently to centre in the person of Mr. J. Latouche, junior. We, 
therefore, zealously espouse his claims to the representation of 
this city, and pledge ourselves to his decided support, when a 
general election shall enable us to exercise the elective franchise 
so much to our own honour, and the probable welfare of our 
native city. 

Resolved, That we strongly regret, that the old, tried, and 
revered friend of Ireland, Henry Grattan, Esq. does not, at 

* Mr. Grattan s health was at this period considerably impaired by long con- 
tinued illness. 

x 3 




this important juncture, furnish us uoith an opportunity of mani- 
festing, in an elective capacity, that steady attachment to his person 
actuating us as private members of society ; and of assisting, by 
our voices, to replace him in the representation of his native city, 
which he has so long served in Parliament with a knowledge un- 
equalled, abilities the most transcendant, and an integrity which 
has never been shaken by the pursuit or the possession of power. 

THOS. M'KENNY, Master. 

JOHN M'KENNY, i w . 



To Henry G rati an, Esq. 
SlR, 9th October, 1804. 

We, the Catholic students of the academy of Kilkenny, beg 
leave to thank you for the honour of your visit, and to convey to 
you the enclosed dialogue as an humble tribute of our gratitude to 
the earliest and ablest defender of that body to which we belong. 
We feel, Sir, and we feel with all the ardour characteristic of Irish- 
men, that if at this moment we are allowed to cultivate literature 
and science in our own country, that privilege we owe, in a great 
measure, to your exertions. 

If the slender and puerile abilities which now, with a mixed 
sensation of awe and affection, presume to approach you, shall 
ever by education, and by the assistance of the great models of clas- 
sical eloquence, which you have given to your country, be matured 
into any thing like genius, it shall be devoted to render dear the 
name and celebrate the praises of Henry Grattan. 
We have honour to be, Sir, 

With most devoted attachment, 

Your most obliged and humble Servants, 


Infra dictus dialogus pastoralis in modum carminis, duos inter 
academiae Kilkenniensis alumnos, quorum alter Damon alter 
vero Strephon nominatus habitus est, postquam academium 
visitavit Henricus Grattan. 

Damon. — Hie quis est vir, qui nostras inviserit aedes ; 
Hanc urbem cum tot docti nunc agmine complent, 
Dignatur solus nostros spectare labores. 

Strephon. — Nonne igitur novis, quern dicit Hibernia patrem, 
Qui toties solitus moderari fraena senatus 
Et libertatem et patriae sacra jura tueri, 
Grattanus ille est ; egregium et memorabile nomen ! 
Viribus ingenii et verborum fulmine pollens 
Hie, si fors sinerit, rem constituisset Hiberniam : 
Posteritas hunc sera canet, rebusque dolebit 
Tarn breve ; proh pietas ! hunc preesedisse gerundis j 



Huic fato major virtus, et conscia recti 
Religio, non quae diro bacchata furore 
Spargere dissidium, stimulare in praelia fratres 
Praecipit, at Christi servans vestigia, cives 
Pacifico socii vincloque jungit amoris, 
Huic ingens animus, magnae constantia mentis ; 
Quam nec res adversa premit, nec prospera toll it. 

Damon. — Ergone vir tantus, qui Graiis atque Latinis 
Eloquii palmam eripuit, coram affuit, et non 
Exceptus nobis plausu fremituque secundo. 
Oh ! si iterum redeat, cur non funalia splendent, 
Laetitiaeque ? Senum resonantia tympana pulsant ; 
Hoc civis dicet 

Strep/ion. — Heu patriae miserabile fatum ! 
Ut nebulis, quas ipsa facit, fax lucida Phoebi 
Inductis obscuratur, sic splendida virtus 
Invidianique odiumque parit, sed nube fugata, 
Clarior effulget Phoebus, victisque malignis 
Legiferosque inter famae numeratus in aede, 
Vivet in aeternum niemorandus Grattanus aevum. 

Datum Academio Kilkenniae, Anno ) 
Domini 1804, Oct. ix. J 

At a Meeting of the Roman Catholic Gentlemen, Freeholders, 
and Inhabitants of the county and city of Kilkenny, convened 
by public notice, on Saturday the 22d of June, 1805. 

PIERCE EDWARD FORSTAL, Esq. in the Chair. 

The following Address was unanimously agreed to, and ordered 
to be presented to Henry Grattan, Esq. 

To Henri/ Grattan, Esq. 


We request you will accept our most cordial thanks for 
the very admirable and able support you afforded the Catholic 
petition, when it was lately canvassed in the Imperial Parliament. 

We naturally looked up to your eminent virtues and abilities, 
which heretofore established our civil constitution, to perfect that 
great work now, by effecting an equitable extension of religious 

Your former achievements induced high expectations, but your 
genius and exertions surpassed them all. 

As Irishmen we exult in your abilities, and pride ourselves upon 
your virtues ; but, as Roman Catholics, we feel a yet warmer sen- 
timent, when we see these virtues and these abilities elevated to 
their noblest efforts in our behalf. 

From the justice of our cause, from the eloquence of our sup- 
porters, and from the wisdom and liberality of that tribunal to 
x 4 




which we appeal, we trust the day will come, when prejudice shall 
soften, and when we shall be admitted to a due participation of 
that constitution, to the maintenance of which, in all its branches, 
we devote our properties and our lives. 

Signed by order, 

P. E. FORSTAL, Chairman. 

At a Meeting of the Guild of Merchants, in the Rotunda, on 
Friday, November 7, 1806. 


In addressing this assembly, the representative of the mer- 
cantile interest of this city, and as such, possessing, no doubt, 
much of that public and free spirit which belongs to trade, I feel 
much confidence — a confidence founded upon the conciousness 
that, in the course of not a short political life, I have laboured, 
probably not altogether without success, to promote both your 
trade and your liberty. "With the history of those public labours, 
my fellow citizens cannot be unacquainted. At a very early 
period, so early as the year 1778, I proposed an address to Par- 
liament for the freedom of your trade. In 1779, I contributed, 
and successfully, to carry the principle of that address into effect. 
In 1780, I moved a resolution in Parliament to assert the inde- 
pendency of the Irish legislature. In the year 81, 1 repeated that 
motion. In the year 82, I carried it, and the Parliament of Ire- 
land became free. I afterwards continued those efforts, and pro- 
posed and carried various other measures, for the better securing 
of that trade, and of that liberty, which the spirit of my country 
had assisted me to obtain. In 85, your trade was attacked by the 
propositions ; I opposed them, and exerted myself to defeat that 
attempt, as I have always opposed every attempt to take away by 
influence, what had been obtained by integrity. In the years 
which followed, my labours were directed to the same objects. I 
opposed every measure tending to promote the influence of the 
crown at the expence of the constitution ; and most particularly 
did I apply myself to resist every measure which trenched upon 
the privileges and interests of the city of Dublin. In doing this, 
I did not apply myself to the passions or to the prejudices of my 
fellow citizens ; I consulted their interest only ; I did not cultivate 
the narrow spirit of party ; I did not apply myself to the little 
motives which may have sometimes influenced some of my country- 
men ; I applied myself only to those great principles by which 
alone liberty can be acquired or preserved ; by which alone nations 
can be rendered prosperous, and great communities kept together. 
Without regard to the prejudices of the people, or to the influence 
of the crown, I combatted the abuses which prevailed in the dif- 
ferent branches of the state and of the constitution. The conse- 
quence was, what I could not but have foreseen, I made myself 

* In 1806, Mr. G rattan was called upon to stand again as candidate for his 
native city, and was once more returned j but not without opposition. 

Appendix. ~\ 



many enemies among those to whom such abuses were beneficial. 
I was assailed at different times by the persecution of the minister, 
and by the violence of the people. I remained unsubdued by 
either. When the Constitution of Parliament was endangered, 
I forgot the past ; I remembered nothing of my countrymen, but 
that they were fellow citizens. I came back into public life to 
defend the constitution we had obtained. I came back oppressed 
by infirmity, and had to combat at once the power of the court, 
and the vehemence of the people. I engaged in the defence of 
that Constitution, without any feeling of resentment for the obloquy 
or for the persecution I had suffered. I came without any feeling, 
but for the interest of my fellow citizens, accompanied by a de- 
termination to defend it. After those services, if the situation of 
our country did not call for further exertions, I might have retired 
without dishonour ; and now, if my only object were to be in Par- 
liament, I may come into it for a seat in another country, without 
trouble and without expence. I prefer to this the trouble, the 
fatigue, the anxiety, of a popular election. Why do I prefer it? 
Because I think it would be but little honourable to this city, to 
my country, that the man who had faithfully and laboriously served 
her for thirty years, should be obliged to sit in Parliament for a 
borough in another country, in order to serve his own ; because it 
would appear a circumstance of whimsical incongruity, if I, who 
had opposed and defeated the claims of England to legislate for 
Ireland, should be returned to Parliament by England, whose 
claims I had opposed, after rejection by that country whose legis- 
lative independence I had defended. But I am charged with 
having the support of government. As to any undue exertion of 
the influence of the government in my favour, I call on you to 
judge of the truth or falsehood of that charge, by the character 
and conduct of those who support me, and of myself. Who are 
they that support me ? Are they not men who have ever opposed 
the government when government aimed at the independence and 
privileges of the people. Are they not men who have always 
supported the freedom and independence of election against the 
power and influence of the crown ? men incapable of being com- 
manded by any government to do what was not consistent with 
the purest spirit of public virtue. To suppose that such men 
would betray their fame, and abuse the confidence of the public, 
to reduce this city to a borough, is a supposition contrary to com- 
mon sense ; nor is it less so, to suppose that this loyal city should 
capriciously and senselessly oppose a candidate, if otherwise un- 
exceptionable, merely because that candidate was not opposed by 
the government. 

As to myself, what has there been in my public life that can 
give colour to such a charge ? Why should / resort to unconsti- 
tutional influence to support me ? I offer myself to your city with 
no view to title, with no view to wealth, with no view to power. 
For what purpose, then, can I offer myself, but that of rendering, 
and continuing to render, service to the public. Shall I, who have 
during thirty years contended against the crown for the people, 
now solicit the crown to reduce this city to a borough, that I may 



[ Appendix. 

represent it? Gentlemen, I might on such an occasion humble 
myself before you by professions, and by promises, and by enter- 
ing into a detailed refutation of such charges ; but I abstain, be- 
cause I think I pay a greater respect to your understanding, by 
referring to it for the answer of such senseless accusation, confi- 
dent that you will listen to truth as spoken to you by facts within 
your knowledge. 

With such pretensions, Gentlemen, I offer myself to you to 
represent this city in Parliament. In my canvass I have found a 
cordial reception, hot merely such as belongs to an honest mind, but 
such as characterises a free people. Should this city return me 
to Parliament, I shall discharge my duty to them on the same 
principles I have hitherto done. Should this corporation concur 
with their fellow citizens, I shall consider it an additional circum- 
stance of gratification ; should both reject me, should the city of 
Dublin refuse to elect me, I shall lament the inconstancy of the 
city, but I shall not desert their interests. 

At a Meeting of Catholic Citizens of Dublin, held on the 13th 
December, 1806. 

DENIS THOS. O'BRIEN, Esq. in the Chair. 

Resolved, That it is a duty incumbent on us to provide that 
Mr. Grattan's late election for this city shall not be attended 
with any expence to him. 

Resolved, That it appears to this meeting, that a fund, sufficient 
for that purpose, has been subscribed by the Catholics of Dublin. 

Resolved, That the following Address be presented to the Right 
Honourable Henry Grattan. 


Accept the congratulation of the Catholic citizens of 
Dublin on the event of your election. Friend and favourite of 
the people, you it peculiarly befits to represent in Parliament the 
first city of a land, which owes to your exertions its franchises and 
its prosperity. It was the triumph of Ireland, when the most 
conspicuous distinction, which any of its commoners can now 
receive from popular approbation, was placed upon that brow to 
which genius, patriotism, public service, and public virtue, con- 
spired to direct it. 

In placing you, Sir, at the head of its representation, the city of 
Dublin has rendered justice to itself ; it has averted the national 
injury which must have been sustained by your retirement ; or the 
national disgrace, if any place of inferior note had been permitted 
to confer the trust of legislation upon the habitual guardian of this 
country's rights, upon the man whose name for thirty years has 
been connected with every improvement which has been adopted 
or proposed, constitutional or commercial. Under any circum- 
stances, the accession of your talents, of your character, of your 

Appendix. 1 ] 



authority, to the councils of the empire, would have been valuable, 
but it becomes indeed important as great emergencies arise, and at 
a moment when many concerns of this member of the state appear 
urgently to press for legislative arrangement. 

In this great act of national honour and national duty, it was our 
misfortune not to have co-operated so effectually as we wished. 
Notwithstanding the liberal provisions enacted in 1793, so inope- 
rative have been the laws designed to relieve us, that not a single 
individual of our body was on the late election enabled to vote as 
a freeman of Dublin. One mode remains by which we can asso- 
ciate ourselves to the merit of this event ; frequent, and even late 
examples, authorize us to make the proposal, and in it we earnestly 
entreat your acquiescence. Your return to Parliament has, beyond 
any other occurrence, been gratifying to every patriotic and inde- 
pendent feeling; let us be permitted to render it altogether a pub- 
lic concern, by taking upon us the expences unavoidably incurred 
in a popular and protracted election. Those who have now the 
honour to address you, in the honest and zealous impulse of what 
they feel to be their duty, have made provision for this purpose ; 
it is the tribute, Sir, of men attached to your interest and to your 
cause, because they identify these objects with the freedom and 
welfare of their country. 

Mr. Grattans Answer. 


In answer to that part of your Address which attributes 
to me what 1 do not pretend to arrogate to myself, I can only say, 
that I took my part in the public service in common with others. 

The honour of representing the capital of my native country I 
feel to be great, and still greater from the zeal which was mani- 
fested in my favour. To you and to your body I am very much 
indebted. You supported me with activity and with effect ; and 
though the Catholics could not vote as freemen, yet, I hope, the cor- 
porations, from good sense and good temper, coupled with a regard to 
their own real interest, will not long hesitate to second the inten- 
tion of the legislature, and give you the full benefit of those 
franchises which the statute designed. 

The last idea contained in your Address, which proposes to dis- 
charge the expence of ray election, is in a high degree generous 
and splendid. It does honour to yourselves and to the person who 
is the object of it. Gratified most sincerely by that honour, I must 
decline the offer ; but I feel the obligation undiminished, unabated, 
and perpetual. 

I have the honour to be, Gentlemen, 

Your most faithful humble Servant, 





Grand Jury Room, 1st September, 1810. 
The Midsummer Quarter Sessions Grand Jury, for the county 
of the city of Dublin, have agreed to the following Resolutions. 

Resolved, That at this perilous and important crisis, when 
the fate of the British empire depends upon the wise and salutary 
exertions of all its virtuous inhabitants, we consider it an indispen- 
sable duty we owe to ourselves, to our country, and to posterity, 
to call upon our countrymen of all descriptions, to join in a most 
solemn appeal to our Most Gracious Sovereign the King, and to 
the Imperial Parliament, pointing out to them the great hardships 
this country labours under in consequenee of the Act of Legisla- 
tive Union ; a law, which, although in full operation for ten years, 
has, during that period, instead of increasing the comforts, prospe- 
rity, and happiness of the people, agreeable to the hopes held out 
by the advocates of that fatal measure, produced an accumulation 
of distress, extending not merely to the privation of comforts, but 
to the absolute want of the necessaries of life, whereby we dread 
that instead of cementing, it may endanger the connexion between 
the sister islands, if not speedily repealed. 

Resolved, That nothing can make this country prosperous, and 
the people of all ranks happy, but an honest resident Parliament, 
that can inquire into and relieve their wants ; and we call upon our 
present faithful representatives, the Right Hon. Henry Grattan, 
and Robert Shaw, Esq. to be unwearied in their endeavours to 
have its legislature restored to this ill-fated country. 

Resolved, That we view with great satisfaction the frequent and 
manly exertions of the Common Council of this city, for the last 
three years, in endeavouring to have petitions presented to the Im- 
perial Parliament, praying a repeal of that unfortunate law ; and 
we call upon them to persevere, and have no doubt but their pa- 
triotic struggles will be crowned with success. 

1 SAMUEL MADDER, Esq. Foreman. 

2 John Dickenson, 

3 W. T. Briscoe, 

5 William Leet, 

6 Thomas Magill, 

8 John M'Laine, 

9 Robert Brocas, 
10 James King, 

12 George Holmes, 

13 John Judge, 

14 William Davis, 

15 John Willis, 

16 Samuel Neville, 

17 Walter Peter, 

18 John Evatt, 

20 Edward Stephens, 

21 George Gonne. 

The Foreman having left the chair, and the Treasurer being 
called thereto, the following Resolution was unanimously agreed to. 

Resolved, That the sincere and heartfelt thanks of this Jury 
is hereby given to our worthy Foreman, Samuel Madder, Esq. 
for his upright and gentlemanly conduct in the chair since the 
commencement of the session, and particularly on the present oc- 
casion; and that these Resolutions be signed by the Treasurer, 
and published. 

ROBERT BROCAS, Treasurer. 




Mr. Grattan s Answer. 
Gentlemen, lfirti September, 1810. 

I must ever be interested in what affects my fellow- 

Without going minutely into the causes of their complaints, I 
beg to assure them that I was an enemy to the extinguishment of 
the Irish Parliament, and must be a friend to its restoration. 
I have the honour to be 

Your most faithful humble Servant, 


To the Right Hon. Henry Grattan, 
One of the Representatives of the City of Dublin in Parliament. 

We address you, Sir, in the name of your constituents, the free- 
men and freeholders of the city of Dublin, convened at the Royal 
Exchange on the 18th September, inst. for the purpose of humbly 
submitting to his Majesty and to Parliament, petitions for the repeal 
of the Union. 

These petitions exhibit a feeble outline of the ruinous conse- 
quences of that measure; consequences which you foresaw with 
the prophetic wisdom of a statesman, and which you characterised 
with that surpassing energy of eloquence, and that undaunted ar- 
dour of patriotism, which have distinguished your political career, 
from the period at which you gave a free constitution to Ireland, 
to the unhappy time when that constitution sunk beneath the 
united efforts of despotism and fraud. 

Your constituents, Sir, implicitly confiding in that integrity 
wHich has never been questioned, in that spirit which has so fre- 
quently been proved, and in that patriotism which has identified 
your name with that of your country, doubt not that you will exert 
in her behalf those transcendant talents, by which you obtained so 
much for her liberty, and to which, aided by the representation 
and the people of Ireland, she still looks for the re-establishment 
of her rights. 

By the destruction of these rights, by the annihilation of her 
Parliament, she has been reduced to the afflictions of oppression 
and of poverty. Despoiled of her local legislature, deprived of her 
resident nobles and gentry, she does not yet, however, feel debility; 
nor will she, while she has such an advocate as Henry Grattan, 
yield to the suggestions of despair. Your constituents, Sir, feel in 
common with the Irish people, that the melancholy effects of the 
union are most alarming and dangerous, not only to the internal 
safety of Ireland, but to the strength and interests of the empire, 
serving as they do to encourage the common enemy, in his design 
of subverting the constitution, and of subjugating the people of 
these islands. 




To a repeal, then, of that fatal measure, they look for a relief 
from their present sufferings, and for a protection from those more 
dreadful evils by which they are menaced. Your constituents, 
therefore, Sir, feel justified in the hope, that when their petition is 
considered by their most Gracious Sovereign, his Majesty's paren- 
tal affection will induce him to attend to their prayers. They also 
feel confident that when the representatives of Great Britain have 
the true causes of Irish grievances fairly and fully stated to them, 
they will sympathize with their fellow subjects, and feel this incon- 
trovertible truth, that by whatever right the people of England 
enjoy a free and local legislature, by the same right the people of 
Ireland are justifiable in claiming a regeneration of their native 
Parliament, under the authority of which alone they can feel them- 
selves safe, happy, or free. Your constituents are persuaded, that 
such a re-establishment of a national constitution, is the onty means 
by which commerce can be revived, or that the cheerful contribu- 
tions of the people to the payment of taxes, for the support of the 
honour and safety of the empire, can be permanently secured. 

Signed by order, 


Mr. Grattaris Answer. 


I have the honour to receive an Address presented by 
your committee, and expressive of their wishes that I should pre- 
sent certain petitions, and support the repeal of an Act, entitled 
the Act of Union. And your committee adds, that it speaks with 
the authority of my constituents, the freemen and freeholders of the 
city of Dublin. 

I beg to assure your committee, and through them my much 
beloved and much respected constituents, that I shall accede to 
their proposition, I shall present their petitions, and support the 
repeal of the Act of Union, with a decided attachment to our con- 
nexion with Great Britain, and to that harmony between the two 
countries, without which the connexion cannot last. I do not im- 
pair either, as I apprehend, when I assure you that I shall support 
the repeal of the Act of Union. You will please to observe, that a 
proposition of that sort in Parliament, to be either prudent or pos- 
sible, must wait until it shall be called for and backed by the 
nation. When proposed I shall then, as at all times I hope I shall, 
prove myself an Irishman, and that Irishman whose first and last 
passion was his native country. 

As to the personal approbation with which you have honoured 
me, it is, I must say, your kindness that overrates my pretension ; 
but I have one pretension which neither age, nor time, nor distance 
can efface, an attachment to Ireland, unaltered and unalterable. 
I have the honour to be, with the greatest esteem, 

Your very humble Servant, 


Dublin, 4th October, 1810. 

Appendix % ~\ 




At a Meeting of the General Committee of the Catholics of Ireland; 
held in Dublin, at 4, Capel-street, on 22d December, 1810. 

OWEN O'CONNOR, Esq. in the Chair. 
Resolved, That the Right Hon. Henry Grattan, be re- 
spectfully requested to present our petition to the Commons 
House of Parliament the ensuing sessions. 

Resolved, That the cordial and grateful thanks of the Catholics 
of Ireland are eminently due, and hereby given, to the Right Hon. 
Henry Grattan. 

Resolved, That our chairman be requested to communicate the 
above thanks to Mr. Grattan, in the most respectful manner. 

OWEN O'CONNOR, Chairman. 
EDWARD HAY, Secretary. 

To the Right Hon. Henry Grattan. 

Sir, Dublin, 24th December, 1810. 

I have the honour to enclosing to you two Resolutions, 
which were agreed to at the last Meeting of the General Com- 
mittee of the Catholics of Ireland. 

I am directed to request that you will have the goodness to 
communicate to me your determination on the subject of pre- 
senting the Catholic Petition to the House of Commons. 

I am also directed to add, Sir, that the Catholics of Ireland 
confide their claims, with a species of filial confidence, to the 
support of their long-tried — their best — their brightest advocate ; 
and that they reckon on having their rights again distinguished 
and advanced by a display of that eloquence which has been, 
without deviation devoted to the interests of Ireland. 

They feel, Sir, that it is not in language to express the tribute 
of gratitude which your country owes you ; or to describe those 
sentiments of respectful affection which the Catholics of Ireland 
entertain for you. 

Permit me to say, that it affords me personally great satisfaction 
to have this opportunity of assuring you, that I participate most 
warmly in the general feelings of respect and gratitude towards 

I have the honour to be, with great respect, Sir, 

Your most obedient humble Servant, 


To Owen O'Connor, Esq. Ballinagar, near Elphin. 

SlR, London, 1st January, 1811. 

I have the favour of the Resolutions of the General Catholic 
Committee and your letter. 

I inclose my answer to the Resolutions. To your letter I dare 
say with great truth, that I feel very deeply the friendly expres- 
sions which it contains ; expressions most valuable, when I con- 


education or the irish poor. [Appendix. 

sider that they are directed by the Catholics and approved of by 
you — happy to assure you that I shall go on in support of their 
interests to the best of my abilities. I beg to add, that in so doing, 
I do no more than pursue my duty and my inclination ; my duty 
which orders me to try to restore to their privileges my country- 
men and my equals — my inclination which most powerfully coin- 
cides with that duty, 

I am with respect and esteem, Sir, 

Your most sincere and faithful humble Servant, 


To the General Committee of the Catholics of Ireland. 

GENTLEMEN, London, 1st January, 1811. 

I have received from the General Catholic Committee two 
Resolutions ; one wherein I am honoured with their thanks, and a 
second which honours me with the Catholic Petition ; in answer to 
both I beg leave to say with warm acknowledgments, that I feel in 
their favourable opinion a most sincere satisfaction, and that I shall 
present the Petition with an everlasting attachment to their cause 
and to their interests. 

I have the honour to be, 
With the most sincere respect and regard, Gentlemen, 

Your most faithful humble Servant, 


Letter from Mr. Grattan, to the Secretary of the Board of 

g IR> Welbeck-street, 25th March, 1811. 

I had the honour to receive your letter, written by the 
commands of the Board of Education, expressing their desire that 
the absent members of that body should communicate by letter 
their plans on the subject of the education of the poorer orders of 
the people of Ireland. 

In obedience to the wishes of the Board I venture to submit, 
what I do not presume to call a plan, but instead of one, a few 
ideas founded on that plan which the legislature has already 

I would pursue the suggestion of the Act that established parish 
schools, with such alterations as must arise from the change of 
time, circumstances, and condition. 

According to that Act, I would recommend parish schools as 
bringing education to every man's door ; but parish schools better 
endowed than the present, and on a more extensive, and by far a 
more comprehensive, foundation. 

And I would submit, as a proper subject matter of education in 
those schools, not only the study of the English tongue, reading, 



writing, and arithmetic; but also the study of certain books of 
horticulture and agriculture, together with treatises on the care 
and knowledge of trees. 

I would recommend that such studies should be pursued in the 
English schools already established. 

I should recommend that in those parish schools the Christian 
religion should be taught ; but that no particular description of it 
should form a part of their education — in the place thereof, 
it might perhaps not be improper to devise some general instruc- 
tions regarding the four great duties of man, — duty to God, 
duty to one another, duty to the country, and duty to the 

I beg to add, that one great object of national education should 
be to unite the inhabitants of the island, and that such an event 
cannot be well accomplished, except they are taught to speak 
one common language. I think the diversity of language, and not 
the diversity of religion, constitutes a diversity of people. I should 
be very sorry that the Irish language should be forgotten ; but 
glad that the English language should be generally understood : 
to obtain that end in Ireland, it is necessary that the schools 
formed on a plan of national education, which teach the English 
language, should not attempt to teach the English religion ; 
because the Catholics who would resort to our schools to learn the 
one, will keep aloof if we attempt to make them proselytes to the 
other ; and we should, by that attempt, reject one great means of 
uniting our people ; and we shall continue to add to the imaginary 
political division, supposed to exist in a difference of religion, a 
real political division formed on the diversity of language. 

I have the honour to be, 

Your most faithful Servant, 


The Address of the Roman Catholics of Ireland. 

To the Right Hon. Henri/ Grattan. 
S IR , Dublin, 8th May, 1812. 

The Catholic Board should have feebly discharged the duty 
they owe to the people, with whose confidence they have been 
honoured, if they had omitted the first opportunity which pre- 
sented itself, of sending forth to the British empire, the warmest 
expressions of their thanks, for the late splendid and astonishing 
efforts of their powerful and revered advocate, in the cause of the 
Catholics of Ireland. 

Grateful is the task, Sir, to be the chosen medium of that feel- 
ing, which now throbs in every bosom, and swells in every heart. 
Grateful is the task to be the organ of that proud and dignifying 




sentiment, which triumphantly claims you, the unequalled cham- 
pion of Irish rights — which now calls you the hope of the British 
empire, and holds you up to your countrymen, as one of those firm 
and unbending anchors by which that empire is to be steadied in 
the storm that blows round her. But, Sir, doubly grateful is the 
task, to generous minds, of remunerating an age of services, by 
the ardent and passionate homage of the heart, and of putting on 
the records of our history the thanks of a calumniated and injured 
people, to him who has devoted gigantic talents, and spotless 
integrity, to the vindication of their feelings, and the assertion of 
their rights. Rising in your efforts, with the difficulties of your 
country, you have called back our memories to that glowing 
period of our history, when every heart hung with rapture upon 
your words when every eye beamed at your name ■ — and every 
peasant in the land walked firm and erect, under the proud feeling 
your eloquence created. In the enthusiasm of the present moment, 
we imagine the regeneration of our freedom, and are almost 
seduced to believe, that the genius of Ireland has only extended 
the circle of her power from a kingdom to an empire. Such is the 
fascination of an eloquence, which at once delights, persuades, and 
instructs : which is unwearied in the vindication of the injured, 
and unconquerable in the cause of justice. 

In 1792, you told the Irish legislature, and the English secretary, 
that Catholic Emancipation would enrich the Protestant, and com- 
municate strength and vigour to the empire. The Protestant 
property of Ireland has more than doubled by the Emancipating 
Bill of 1793 — and the Catholic people of Ireland advanced in 
numbers, in prosperity, and in character. That country, which 
for six hundred years, was a burthen to the English minister, 

f became an ex-fountain of supply — the unclogged industry of 
Ireland poured forth its offerings of gratitude, and repaid with a 
miser's profit, the blessings of her freedom. Such was the effect 
of that liberty, of which you were the great and eloquent parent — 
such the effect of that policy, which you have laboured to preserve 
and extend. The union, it is true, has thrown down the noble 
edifice, which you had so gloriously erected — and now the ques- 
tion remains to be decided, whether the wisdom of the Imperial 
Parliament will throw the freedom of the Catholic, into the scale, 
against the injuries of the union? But why ask the question? 
The last struggle — your commanding minority of two hundred and 

fifteen, has been the victory of reason, of eloquence, and of truth, 
standing at the head of the Protestant property — of the Protestant 
rank — of the Protestant character of the British empire; you 
may securely proclaim the triumph of your favourite cause to an 
admiring world. Like Fox, your great and immortal predecessor, 
your last and greatest glory will be, the striking off the chains of 
intolerance from millions of your fellow creatures. 

The children of Ireland, yet unborn, will be taught to lisp the 
name of G rattan ; and her gratitude, as lasting and as fruitful as 
her soil, will preserve the memory of that man, who, for forty- 
years, pleaded her cause with an eloquence unequalled — a spirit 
undaunted — and a patience unconquered and unconquerable. 




The Address was presented by the Earl of Kenmare, Sir Francis 
Goold, Baronet, Messrs. Burke, M'Donnell, and Hay, on the 
5th of June, to which Mr. Grattan returned the following 


An Address so warm in its expression, to the object of it 
so honourable, and, when I consider the great body of the Irish 
Catholics, so highly respectable, I cannot receive without more 
than common emotion. It proves the generous and characteris- 
tical ardour of my countrymen, and shows by their strenuous and 
cordial sensations that they deserve to be defended. 

I have considered as my first duty the defence of the liberty 
and character of my country, and have looked to her approbation 
as my greatest happiness. 

I have contemplated the civil disabilities as a great public 
calamity, and have regarded their repeal as a great public 

I think your question has succeeded. 

The good sense of the people of both countries, and their dis- 
position to concord have prevailed. 

To see you in possession of your civil capacities will be the 
happiest moment of my life. 

You have deserved them well. 

May you obtain them soon — may you enjoy them long, and 
transfer them to your posterity, with undiminished lustre. 
I have the honour to be, 

Your most faithful humble Servant, 

London, 6th Jnne, 1812. HENRY GRATTAN. 

To Henry Grattan, Esq. 

Dear Sir, 

In the series of Resolutions passed at a numerous and 
respectable Meeting of the Roman Catholics of the county and 
city of Cork, held on the 14th instant, none I have the honour to 
assure you was more unanimously adopted, or cheered with more 
deserved applause, than that which attempts, however inadequately, 
to convey the expression of Catholic gratitude for your unrivalled 
exertions in our cause, and of which I have the hononr to annex 
a copy. 

I have the honour to be, Dear Sir, 

Your faithful humble Servant, 

Burney's-court, Middlcton, Cork, 7 
18th August, 1812. i 

Resolved, That vain would be any attempt to express in 
adequate terms, the measure of our obligations to Earl Donough- 
y 2 




more and Mr. Grattan ; a victorious result awaits their tran- 
scendant services, and will be their best reward ; but to them will 
grateful posterity join us, in principally ascribing the mighty con- 
quest of their country's rights, and in recording their imperishable 
names in the foremost class of our national benefactors. 

Mr. Grattaris Answer. 

DEAR SlR, Tinnehinch, 3d September, 1812. 

I beg to return my thanks to the numerous and respectable 
Meeting of the Roman Catholics of the county and city of Cork, 
for the honour they have done me in approving of my endeavours 
to serve the Catholics, and to advance their just and prosperous 
cause. Permit me to add my acknowledgments to you, for the 
very kind and cordial manner in which you have done me the 
honour to communicate their sentiments* 

I have the honour to be, with very sincere respect, 
Your faithful Servant, 


To T. R. Ryan, Esq. Scarteen, Limerick. 

Sir, Tinnehinch, 5th August, 1812. 

In answer to the Resolution of the Catholics of the county 
and city of Limerick, met the 24th of July, and expressing their 
approbation of my conduct, I beg to say how sensible I am of the 
value of their good opinion, and how anxious I shall be to pre- 
serve it. 

I beg to return you my particular thanks, with the assurance, 
that I am with much sincerity, 

Your faithful Servant, 


DEAR SlR, London, 25th May, 181S. 

The question was lost last night. My speech was very 
short, and very ill taken. They have made me say, that if the 
Catholic clergy opposed the clauses, they were enemies of the 
community. I could say no such thing ; but said that if the 
bishops opposed those clauses, they would be the cause of the 
loss of the Bill, and do an injury to their community. 

I am, &c. 






At a numerous Meeting of the General Board of British Catholics, 
assembled at the Earl of Shrewsbury's, in Stanhope Street, 
29th May, 1813. 

EARL of SHREWSBURY in the Chair. 
The two following Resolutions, moved by the Lord Stourton, 
and seconded by the Lord Arundel of Wardour, were unanimously 

First, That the warmest thanks of the Roman Catholics of 
Great Britain, are justly due to every member of the House of 
Commons, who supported their cause during the late discussion of 
a Bill for the removal of the civil and military disqualifications, 
under which his Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects now labour. 
And that a deputation from this Board, will wait upon the Right 
Honourable Henry Grattan, who moved for leave to bring in 
the Bill : the Right Honourable George Ponsonby who 
seconded the same, and the rest of the Committee who prepared 
the same. 


17th July, 1815. 

The following Address to Mr. Grattan, was moved at the 
Catholic Board, on Saturday last, by Mr. M'Donnel ; it was se- 
conded by Mr. O'Connel, and carried unanimously. 

To the Bight Hon. Henry Grattan. 


We, the members composing the Roman Catholic Board 
of Ireland, beg leave to address you on the close of your parlia- 
mentary labours for the session, and to request your acceptance of 
the expression of our warmest gratitude for the continuance of 
your efforts in our cause, and that of our country ; it is not amongst 
the least conspicuous of your claims upon us, that during a course 
of years, no obstruction of whatever nature, has been able to relax 
your zeal, or affect your perseverance ; to the warmth of that zeal, 
under the inspiration of genius, we stand indebted for the exhaust- 
less variety of topics, your mind invariably pours forth, on the 
repeated discussion of our question. With you the subject is ever 
fresh, commanding, and original, boundless in materials, and re- 
sistless in argument. 

Prejudices, rendered almost inveterate by the unremitting 
agency of misrepresentation, calumny, and habit, have disappeared 
before you; the comprehensive policy of the restoration of our 
rights, has made its way to the understanding of England ; self- 
interest has been enlightened, monopoly silenced, and the foun- 
dation, we trust, firmly laid for a simple repeal of the penal code, 
and for the triumph of reason and of justice. To this repeal in 
vain would intolerance oppose her dying struggles. Her reign is 
y 3 




past— her sentence sealed, and the great principle of universal 
religious freedom, which we claim for ourselves, and for every wor- 
shipper of the Deity, moves on to silence her votaries and replace 
her worship. 

England is prepared to atone for her system towards Ireland ; 
through you, and the co-operation of your distinguished sup- 
porters, will be her expiation, and with it her strength ! 

When that day of peace, good will, and confidence shall arrive, 
we boldly foretell that your predictions of imperial benefit, and 
cemented service, will not long remain unaccomplished ; that bene- 
volence, under the guidance of true religion, will breathe its spirit 
of universal charity over the land ; that the enemy will find but 
one heart, and one arm in the empire ; and that all painful remem- 
brance will be for ever buried in oblivion. 

For you, Sir, it is reserved to render the fabric of the state per- 
fect, and imperishable ; and having once given a constitution to 
your country — to give a people to the constitution. 


Stationers' Hall, Saturday, 25th July. 
RANDALL M'DONNELL, Esq. in the Chair. 
The Secretary read Mr. Grattan's Answer to the Address 
from the Board to him, which had been presented immediately 
before the Meeting. The Answer is as follows : 

To the Members composing the Roman Catholic Board of Ireland. 

I have the honour to return you my thanks, with great 
truth and sincerity. 

If I have laboured in you cause I have done no more than my 
duty — and though I cannot arrogate to myself the praise which 
your partiality bestows, I do acknowledge, at least, the merit of 
having persevered in your service. 

For the past disappointment attending my efforts in the cause of 
that perseverance, I now find some consolation, when I perceive 
the truth of what you yourself, so justly remark, " that prejudices 
have abated, and that a comprehensive policy has made its way to 
the understanding of England." I found in the last session of 
Parliament, the spirit of the House of Commons on the Catholic 
subject to be conciliating ; I availed myself of that auspicious dis- 
position ; and I yet trust that the justice of your cause, the number 
of your friends, the ascendancy of common sense, accompanied 
by a spirit of conciliation, will lead to a conclusion, which shall be 
the attainment of your liberties, and the harmony and strength of 
the empire. 

I have the honour to be, with many thanks, 

Your most faithful, humble Servant, 





To the Right Hon. Henry Grattan. 
Sir, Limerick, 17th August, 1813. 

With pride and satisfaction I avail myself, as chairman 
of an Aggregate Meeting of the Roman Catholics of this county 
and city, held on the 12th inst. to convey to you their unabated 
gratitude, for your faithful and affectionate services in their 

From the earliest dawn of hope that first cheered their long be- 
nighted way, to the present stage of maturity, you watched over 
their interests with even parental regard. In return, Sir, their 
grateful sentiments towards you partake even of filial affection. 

May you live, Sir, to see and enjoy what I am confident is the 
first wish of your benevolent mind — the happiness of your coun- 
try fixed on the solid basis of the harmony of its people. 
With sentiments of respect and esteem, 

I have the honour to remain, Sir, 

Your most obedient, humble Servant, 


Mr, Grattan s Anstver. 

S !R) 29th August, 1813. 

I h ad the honour of receiving your letter on Saturday. — 
I beg to return my thanks to the Aggregate Meeting, and to you 
also, for their very kind and favourable opinion, and for the very 
animated terms in which they express it. — My object shall ever be 
the service of my country, and my happiness their approbation. 
I am, Sir, with many thanks and much respect, 

Your most sincere, faithful and humble Servant, 



20th November, 1813. 
NICH. MAHON, Esq. in the Chair. 
Mr. Hay read the proceedings of the last Meeting. 

The Chairman stated, that he had, on Friday night, received 
two letters, one from Lord Donoughmore, and another from 
Mr. Grattan, in reference to the Resolution, intimating the wish 
of the Board that a communication be held with these illustrious 
personages, on the form of a bill for Catholic emancipation. 

The letters were as follow : 

To the Right Honourable Henry Grattan. 
Sir, 6th November, 1815. * 

I have the honour to enclose you a copy of a Resolution 
entered into by the Catholic Board, on the 6th instant, whereby I 
am requested to consult you and the Earl of Donoughmore, " to 
ascertain if it be your pleasure to receive a communication from 
the Board, upon the form of a bill for the relief of the Catholics of 
y 4 




Ireland." Any communication it may be your pleasure to mention 
on this subject, I shall not fail to report. 

And have the honour to be, with the greatest respect, 
Your most obedient, humble Servant, 

Chairman of the Meeting of the Catholic 
Board, held on 6th Nov. 

Mr, Grattans First Letter in Answer, 
Sir, Tinnehinch, 12th Nov. 

I received your communication? and shall be ready to 
see you. 

I think you had better fix a time with Lord Donoughmore, if he 
can come to town, that we may be together. 

I am, &c. 


Earl Donoughmore 's Letter, 
Sir, Knocklofty, 12th Nov. 1813. 

In proceeding to answer the question to which I am called 
on for my reply, namely, whether I am prepared to receive a com- 
munication from the Catholic Board, touching the form of a bill 
for their relief, it is necessary to keep in view the avowed principle 
and object, for the establishment and furtherance of which this 
proposition has been opened and enforced, in order to our being 
able to acquire a correct opinion of the nature and extent of the 
communication thus intended to be made. To arrive at such an 
understanding, without the possibility of doubt or cavil, the speech, 
as it has been reported in the public prints, of the able and respect- 
able person with whom this suggestion appears to have originated, 
furnishes us with lights abundantly sufficient. 

From the report, it is evident in the first place, that according 
to the then feeling of the Catholic Board, it was considered neces- 
sary for them to put into the hands of their parliamentary advo- 
cates, the form of a bill completely framed, with all its specifi- 
cations and provisions. — That the Catholic Board, and not the 
Lords and Commons now in Parliament assembled, should take into 
their consideration what species of bill would be likely to satisfy 
this country. Whilst it would bid fair, at the same time, to re- 
concile to its provisions the other part of the nation. — That the 
general sentiments of Ireland, expressed by numerous meetings in 
the counties and cities, and likewise the proceedings of the last 
sessions, having been taken into consideration, not by the two 
houses of Parliament which are now sitting, but by the Catholic 
Board, it is affirmed as a fundamental proposition, that no specific 
measures for regulating the discipline of the Catholic Church of 
Ireland, ought to be proposed in the legislature, or advocated on 
behalf of the Catholic people of Ireland, without having been pre- 
viously sanctioned by the approbation of their prelates. And 

Appendix.'] ROMAN catholic board. 


lastly, that no oaths should be propounded in the bill, which 
should not have received the like sanction of the same previous 

Such being, then, the obvious and declared objects of the com- 
munication, to which I am invited as your selected advocate in 
that house of which I am a member; — and an avowed claim 
having thus been made by the leaders of the Catholic Board, on 
the part of that body, to the peculiar right of originating the wel- 
come measure of relief, whenever it shall come to their heavily 
aggrieved and long-suffering community, as well as that of dis- 
cussing and arranging all its various and necessary details — leaving 
a naked affirmative or dissent, as their only remaining sphere of 
action, to the representatives of the people, and the hereditary 
counsellors of the crown — on a question, too, of the greatest mag- 
nitude and importance, inasmuch as it affects the materials of the 
frame of the governing power of the state. Being moreover well 
aware, that I should as little consult the real interests of my Catho- 
lic countrymen, as the dignity of that branch of the legislature to 
which I belong, by becoming a consenting party to the intro- 
duction into Parliament of any measure, however professing to be 
a bill for their full and complete relief, under such circumstances 
as those. Having resolved all these circumstances in my mind, 
again and again, with whatever reluctance it js that I differ in opi- 
nion upon the present occasion with those, for whose talents and 
motives — for whose public character and private worth, I enter- 
tain the most sincere respect and esteem, I feel myself bound by an 
imperious sense of duty to others, as well as to my own situation, 
to decline the communication which has been thus offered to me 
on the part of the Catholic Board. 

With respect to the legitimate claim of his Majesty's Catholic 
subjects, to a complete and perfect equality in every constitu- 
tional power, privilege, and capacity, with the more favoured 
members of the established Church, twenty years have seen their 
cause, since any declaration of my political creed has ceased to 
have been necessary on that important subject, under the tests im- 
posed by the Irish statute of 1793. I was then prepared to have 
opened for them, even the doors of Parliament itself. It is now 
too late a period of my public life to retrace my steps. — Securities 
for Catholic loyalty, I desire none in addition to that bond of that 
memorable year, which they have so often sealed with their blood, 
during the various fortunes of a war of unexampled length and 
pressure. That confidence, which they have so long merited and 
received from their Protestant fellow subjects, I now demand for 
them (the nerves and sinews of our common strength) from the 
governing powers of the state. 

But the same liberty of judgment and opinion, for which I have 
been contending on the part of others, free and unshackled, I must 
not relinquish for myself, distinguished as I have been in the situ- 
ation to which you have been pleased to call me, as your parlia- 
mentary advocate. — Instructions I will not condescend to receive, 
for the discharge of that duty which I have undertaken on your 




behalf — not for the first time, and which I am not conscious of 
having ever deserted — I have no explanation to offer — no new 
pledges to give. Dictation, from any quarter, however respect- 
able — pardon the expression, it is due to frankness and sincerity, 
I mean it not unkindly — I should consider as little degrading to 
the humble individual who thus addressed himself to your candour, 
and to your feelings, than admissible, as applied to the grand in- 
quest of the nation, now in Parliament assembled. 

I have the honour to be, very kindly, Sir, 

Your faithful, humble Servant, 


Mr. Grattans Letter, accompanying the above, 
SlR, Tinnehinch, 18th Nov. 1813. 

I find by the public papers, that I have misapprehended 
the intention of the Catholic Board, in the Resolution you were 
pleased to communicate : the Resolution ran thus, " That the Chair- 
" man be requested to consult with Lord Donoughmore and 
" Mr. Grattan, to ascertain if it be their pleasure, or that of 
" either of them, to receive a communication from the Board, 
%i upon the form of a bill for our relief." I apprehended that by the 
word" consult with us," the Board meant that their worthy Chairman 
should confer, and I therefore answered that I was ready to see 
you, to whom at that conference, in the presence of Lord Donough- 
more, in whose sentiments on this subject I entirely coincide, it 
was my intention to have stated my objection at large, to the for- 
mation of a bill by the Catholic Board, and I have accompanied 
my refusal to communicate with the Board on the subject, by ex- 
pressions of hope that the Board would not resort to such a pro- 
ceeding. I was perfectly aware that the worthy Chairman had no 
power to discuss the formation of a bill, and was entirely com- 
mitted to the question of communication. I dare say that what- 
ever misapprehension took place, was entirely my error, and I am 
extremely sorry that my mistake should have Caused a moment's 

It remains for me now not to decline to answer that question 
which the Catholic Board is pleased to propose to me, regarding a 
communication with the Board, on the subject of the Resolution. 
My answer is, that my zeal in the Catholic cause is unextinguish- 
able ; that I have a great affection for my fellow-citizens of the 
Catholic religion ; that I have a personal regard for a great num- 
ber of the individuals that are of the Catholic Board, without the 
least degree of enmity to any one of them, and that it is in conse- 
quence of those sentiments, as well as from a sense of the duty 
which I owe to Parliament, and particularly to the House of Com- 
mons, of which I am member, that I decline a communication with 
the Catholic Board, on a bill to be formed by them for the legis- 
lature, or on any proceeding like a dictation to Parliament. 

Appendix.] roman catholic board. 


I make no doubt the Board will not fall into such an error ; there 
are established regular ways by which they can convey all their 
wishes. I am satisfied they will resort to such, in which they will 
be most respectable and persuasive. 

I have the honour to be, most sincerely, 

Your very faithful, humble Servant, 



30th November, 1813. 

BARTHOLOMEW FOLEY, Esq. in the Chair. 

The Secretary read the correspondence between Anthony 
O'Connor, Esq. the Chairman at the last Meeting, and Lord 
Dono ugh more and Mr. Grattan. 

To the Right Hon. Earl of Donouglunore, SfC. Knocklqfti/, 

My LORD, Springmount, 9th Nov. 181.5. 1 

I have the honour, as Chairman of a Meeting of the 
Roman Catholic Board of the county and city of Cork, held this 
day, to transmit the annexed resolution, requesting your Lordship 
will have the goodness once more to present the humble petition of 
the Roman Catholics of that city and county, for a redress of the 
grievances under which they labour, to that portion of the lcgis- 
ture of which your Lordship forms so bright an ornament. 

They at the same time desire me to express to your Lordship, 
the warm assurances of their unbounded gratitude for those past 
services, which your Lordship has so ably rendered to them, their 
unshaken attachment, to so uniformly firm, eloquent, and patriotic 
a friend as your Lordship has been, in their regard — their con- 
fidence in that unbending integrity, which is your Lordship's 
characteristic, and their high esteem of those talents, which have 
been so frequently employed in the cause of an injured, patient, 
and loyal people. 

Permit, my Lord, the individual who is the organ of this request 
and communication, to add, that amongst the thousands who feel 
those sentiments which he has endeavoured to express, none is 
more warm in that feeling than he who has the honour to sub- 
scribe himself, 

Your Lordship's very humble and obedient Servant, 


Lord Donoughmores Answer. 
DEAR Sir, Knocklofty, 18th Nov. 1813. 

May I request of you to express to the very respectable 
meeting of the Catholics of the city and county of Cork, at which 
you so worthily presided, the zeal and satisfaction with which I 



accept the trust, which they are pleased to repose in me, of pre- 
senting their petition to the House of Lords. The great kindness 
to me, as an individual, with which you are pleased to accompany 
this communication, deserves my most sincere acknowledgments, 
which I trust you will be good enough to accept. 

Yours, dear Sir, very truly, 


Right Hon, Henry Grattan, fyc. fyc. Dublin. 

SlR f Springmount, 9th Nov. 1813. 

I have the honour, as Chairman of a Meeting of the Roman 
Catholic Board of the city and county of Cork, held this day, to 
transmit the annexed Resolution, requesting you will have the 
goodness once more to present to the House of Commons, the 
humble petition of the Roman Catholics of that city and county, 
praying for a redress of the grievances under which they labour. 

I am further desired to express, that your uniform, zealous, and 
powerful advocacy of our political rights, has ensured our lasting 
gratitude, and whilst your past services are indelibly engraven 
upon our hearts, we feel an instinctive confidence that the patriot 
of Ireland will labour for the enfranchisement of her sons. You 
have grown grey in fighting our battles, you have driven bigotry 
from the fore ground which it had taken ; you have pursued it in 
its flight, you pressed upon the citadel in which it took refuge, and 
we trust, that it is reserved for you, Sir, by a perseverance in the 
honest, firm, independent, and energetic advocacy of our rights, 
to reduce the citadel, and, by exhibiting the standard of religious 
freedom, where the banner of intolerance had been displayed, to 
give liberty to millions, strength and permanency to the British 
constitution, into which we desire admission ; and peace, content, 
and prosperity to our common country.— Feeling the highest sen- 
timent of respect and esteem, 

I remain, Sir, 
Your most obedient, humble Servant, 


Mr, Grattaris Answer, 

Sir, Tinnehinch, 19th Nov. 1813. 

I had the honour of receiving your letter, with the Reso- 
lution of the Catholics of Cork, requesting that I should present 
their petition to the House of Commons. I shall comply with 
their request ; and I beg to assure you, and them, how sensible I 
am of the honour they do me, and how much I value their and 
your approbation, which I shall, with perseverance unabated, en- 
deavour to preserve. 

I have the honour to be, with many thanks, 

Your faithful, humble Servant, 






Catholic Board, Dublin, 18th December, 1813. 

Mr. Mahon stated that he had received Answers to the letters 
addressed to Lord Donoughmore and Mr. Grattan the fortnight 

Mr, Mahon s Letter. 

My LORD, Dublin, 4th December, 1813. 

I am requested by the General Board of the Catholics of 
Ireland, to acknowledge the receipt of a letter from your Lordship, 
in which you are pleased to concur with Mr. Grattan, in de- 
clining to receive any communication from the Board, upon the 
form of a Bill for our relief. The Board beg leave respectfully to 
assure your Lordship, that no intention ever existed in the minds 
of the members of the Board, or of any of them, to dictate to 
Parliament, or to either House of Parliament ; and they deem it a 
duty which they owe to themselves, as well as to your Lordship, to 
disclaim all responsibility on account of any reports which may be 
published in the newspapers relative to their proceedings. 

The object which the Board had in soliciting the communication 
with your Lordship, was certainly of a respectful nature, and 
tended, as they conceived, to a highly beneficial effect; it naturally 
grew out of the present posture of affairs, and they deemed it cal- 
culated to produce healing and salutary results. 

In a discussion so arduous as that of Catholic petitions, it did 
seem to the Board that their Parliamentary friends, of every class, 
would have been ready to recognize the utility and even necessity 
of deriving assistance and suggestions from the petitioners them- 
selves, who are usually presumed to be the most capable of afford- 
ing suitable information and instructions. In suggesting the prin- 
ciples of a Bill for Catholic freedom, the Board were also actuated 
by a natural and laudible desire to meet the wishes of a great por- 
tion of their fellow-subjects in Great Britain, and even of their 
opponents, who have repeatedly complained, and still complain 
that they are yet to learn what is the real extent of the relief sought 
by the Catholics of Ireland. The want of this knowledge has 
hitherto caused injurious jealousies and groundless alarms; besides 
their recommendations to such communication, the Board con- 
ceived that it would have produced the good effect of preventing 
the recurrence of that perplexity and general disappointment, 
which marked the Parliamentary proceedings of the lower House 
upon this subject in the late sessions. The Board having thus 
attempted to discharge the duty which they owe to the Catholic 
cause, to their Protestant fellow-subjects, and to the legislature, 
have only to express their regret, that the salutary and substantial 
objects which they had thus in contemplation, should be for the 
present frustrated by the rigid operation of the doctrine laid down 



by your Lordship and Mr. G rattan. Let the Board entertain the 
hope, that after this frank, candid, and respectful declaration of 
their views and objects, they shall not have to experience the deep 
regret which must ensue, if personages, to whom they are so justly 
and deservedly grateful, as your Lordship and Mr. Grattan, 
should feel themselves still bound by their notions of Parliament- 
ary propriety, to declare that they cannot condescend to receive 
any instructions from the Catholics of Ireland, for the discharge of 
that duty which they have undertaken for the restoration of Catho- 
lic freedom. A question, too, as they justly observe, of the greatest 
possible magnitude and importance. 

I have the honour to be, my Lord, 

Your most humble Servant, 

Chairman of the Catholic Board, held an 4th December. 

The Earl of Donoughmore s Answer. 

Sir, Knocklofty, 8th December, 1813. 

In the letter which I had the honour of receiving under 
your signature, by last night's post, three distinct propositions are 
advanced on the part of the Catholic Board, under the influence of 
which they appear to consider themselves still bound to persevere 
in those expectations which were already communicated to my 
Right Hon. colleague and to myself, and to which we thought it our 
duty to express, with whatever reluctance, our inability to accede. 

To the first of these propositions I answer, with great respect, 
that I cannot recognize the utility, much less the necessity of re- 
ceiving instructions from the petitioners themselves, for the direc- 
tion of my parliamentary conduct, in this advanced period of the 
discussion ; upon a subject which has so repeatedly engaged the 
attention of both Houses, and in the progress of which I have fought 
the best battles I could, for the last twenty years, again and again, 
for the complete removal of all existing disabilities. 

With respect to the second ground of argument which has been 
relied upon, I answer, that in the mere circumstance of the prepar- 
ation of a Bill, by one or more distinguished members of the Ca- 
tholic Board, in exclusion of their Parliamentary advocates, to 
whom has been reserved according to the accustomed mode of 
proceeding in all other similar cases, the province of effectuating by 
suitable provisions, the principles and the details of their own 
measures, I cannot discover that healing quality, that powerful 
agency, which appeared to have been attributed to it, which are 
to gratify and to enlighten their fellow subjects in Great Britain, and 
to remove even from the minds of their opponents themselves, all 
injurious jealousies and groundless alarms. 

Still less am I enabled to acquiesce in the soundness of that 
reasoning, which would establish the necessity of an intermediate 
deliberative body, between the Catholics of Ireland and the two 
Houses of Parliament ; to avoid, as the Catholic Board is pleased 




to express itself in the document to which I am now endeavouring 
to reply, that perplexity and general disappointment, which are 
therein stated to have marked the proceedings of the Lower House, 
during the last session. 

An acquiescence in such a doctrine as this, would seem to sanc- 
tion that (than which nothing can be, in my mind, more uncon- 
stitutional,) the notion of a representation of the Catholic commu- 
nity, separate and distinct from that of the Protestant part of the 
state ; whereas it is to the Lower House of Parliament, as repre- 
senting his Majesty's subjects, of all descriptions and religious 
persuasions, and to the Hereditary Counsellors of the Crown, that 
all deliberative powers are confided by the constitution of these 
realms, to whom it accordingly belongs, exclusively, to regulate 
and adjust all those details which will become necessary, whenever 
the wisdom and justice of Parliament shall incorporate, into one 
compact mass of loyalty and good citizenship, the subjects of the 
same Sovereign, the inheritors of the same rights, capacities, and 

Your authorized disclaimer of the authenticity of those reports, 
which have been, notwithstanding, so widely circulated as the pro- 
ceedings of the Catholic Board, necessarily closes that subject 
against all further observations on my part. May I not, however, 
be permitted to express my regret, that the same great consider- 
ation for the feelings of those, who were not themselves present to 
repel aggression, (which then, as at all times, marked the conduct 
of that distinguished member *, the energies of whose talent and 
mind, entitle him to so great a lead in any popular assembly,) had 
not repressed some observations in the late debate, or rather the 
publication of them, as they must necessarily contain gross mis- 
conceptions of what is supposed to have fallen from the person into 
whose mouth they have been put ; inasmuch as they are, so far as 
they affect to allude to me, not less unjustifiable in the insinuations 
they would seem to convey, than unfounded in fact ? I am not a 
cold composer of libels, or fabricator of injurious suggestions, 
against any man or number of men. My former reply to the Ca- 
tholic Board, was the creation of that day, at the close of which it 
was dispatched through my Right Hon. friend. To state it in any 
other point of view, or to attribute to it any political motive of any 
sort or kind, would be a cruel misrepresentation of the conduct 
and the feelings of as old and as true a friend of the cause of my 
Catholic countrymen, as any other now in existence ; and such a 
calumny as this would pass through the lips of any member of that 
community with a particularly bad grace. If such, is then, the sort 
of authority which we are to ascribe from henceforth to the de- 
tailed proceedings of the Catholic Board, to what, let me ask, does 
the publication of those proceedings tend, but to lead astray the 
public mind ; to lower and degrade, as far as in them lies, the 
motives and the conduct of all those who dare to think for them- 
selves; and to disseminate amongst a warm, a jealous, and an 
irritable population, error and misrepresentation, in place of sound 
reasoning, temperance, and truth? 

Mr. O'Conncll. 


Roman catholic Board. [Appendix. 

If however, it is not true, that any Bill was ever prepared, as 
the specific measure for the removal of religious disabilities, and 
to be presented as such to your Parliamentary advocates. If 
the communication to which I have been invited was not to be 
considered in the nature of an instruction, according to which I should 
be expected to regulate my conduct in Parliament, there no longer 
exists any difference of opinion, thus far between myself and any 
member of the Catholic Board ; their sentiments, or those of any 
individual or body of men, of whatever religious persuasion, I shall 
always feel it my duty to receive, with all due attention and res- 
pect, upon all questions of a public nature ; more especially upon 
a subject, of which I am fully aware of the great magnitude and 
importance, and which, on that account, demands in a peculiar de- 
gree the deliberate, uncontrolled consideration of the High Court 
of Parliament, wherein alone, the principle and the details of so 
so grave a measure can be suitably discussed, and temperately 

I have the honour to be, with much truth, Sir, 

Your faithful, humble Servant, 


Mr. Grattans Answer. 

S IR) Tinnehinch, 16th, Dec. 1813. 

I was honoured by your letter written by order of the 
Catholic Board, and I beg to return you my thanks for the polite- 
ness of your communication. 

I beg also to remind the Catholic Board, that the first Resolution 
transmitted to me, was a proposal for a communication from the 
Board, on the form of a Bill to be presented to Parliament for their 
relief ; and that I declined that communication, conceiving that the 
forming a Bill was the exclusive province of Parliament. 

I have been honoured with a second letter, in which the Board 
is pleased to mention the benefits by them expected to have arisen 
from such their communication ; and among other benefits they 
observe, that it would have made known to their enemies, the real 
extent of the relief sought for by the Catholics. Without doubt- 
ing in any degree the propriety of such an object, may I be per- 
mitted to observe, that no Bill, or principles of a Bill, formed by 
the Board, could authenticate what is the real extent of the relief 
sought by the Catholics ? I do perfectly agree that the Catholics 
are entirely competent to set forth their grievances and their relief, 
but they have done so already by repeated Petitions, in which they 
speak with authenticity to their representatives, the House of Com- 
mons. I do acknowledge and applaud the wisdom of the idea 
which the Board is pleased to express on the subject of healing 
measures, and I do second, most cordially, the wish they express, 
to remove injurious jealousies and groundless alarms; but I must 
be permitted to add, that those jealousies and alarms can only be 
removed by a spirit of accommodation, and by such steps as may 
unite the Irish and the English Catholics, and may harmonize the 

Appendix.] roman catholic board. 


Irish Catholics with one another ; and I do not hesitate to say, that 
without a spirit of accommodation and conciliation the Catholics 
will never succeed. 

The Board is pleased to say that it has attempted to do its duty 
to the Catholic cause, to their Protestant brethren, and to the le- 
gislature; permit me to add, that when the Board shall have 
adopted the spirit of accommodation and conciliation, then, and 
not till then, can the Board proclaim that it has endeavoured to do 
its dut}\ 

I lament exceedingly the disappointment which attended the 
proceedings of the last Session, but I must observe that that dis- 
appointment did not arise from the want of a Bill formed by the 
Catholic Board. 

The Board is pleased to say that is has made a candid and 
respectful avowal of their views ; I acknowledge the avowal to be 
both candid and respectful. They will permit me to make a 
candid and respectful avowal of mine ; they are the complete 
emancipation of my Roman Catholic fellow subjects, without 
injury to their church or their religion ; the perpetuation of the 
Protestant succession to the crown, and the preservation of the 
Protestant church. These are the sentiments in which I support 
the Catholic petition, and in these I am sure I have the concur- 
rence of the Catholics. Sorry should I be to obstruct, for a 
moment, any happy results which the Board, or any other body, 
may conceive they can produce for the promotion of any of these 
great objects ; and I therefore take this opportunity to declare, 
that I am ready to receive any suggestion on the subject from the 
Catholic Board, or any other description of my fellow citizens, 
concurring with my noble friend Lord Donoughmore, in objecting 
to any communication from the Board in the form of a bill, or 
with the authority of instructions. 

I have the honour to be, Sir, 

With respect and sincerity, 

Your very faithful humble Servant, 



2d June. 

There was a special Meeting of the Board held to take into con- 
sideration the recent communications which had been received 
from Mr. Grattan and Earl Donoughmore. 

EDW. COX, Esq. of Clara House, Queen's County, chairman. 

Mr. O'Connell proposed Lord Donoushmore be again solicited 
to bring on an immediate discussion in the upper House, and that 
the letter of Mr. Grattan be submitted to an aggregate meeting. 

Mr. O'Gorman thought the Board should, withoujt referring to 
any other authority, come to a direct vote, again reco/nmendiflg an 
immediate discussion. 

Mr. O'Connel was for an aggregate assembly. 


338 roman catholic board, [Appendix. 

Mr. Mahon thought that the Board was thrown into a most un- 
pleasant predicament, and that it would be wise to take the advice 
of those from whom they derived their authority. 

Mr. Howly cautioned the meeting against precipitation, and de- 
precated above all things any mark of disrespect to a man who 
was the pride, the consolation, and the hope of his country, for 
thirty years before the very names of many of those, who are 
latterly so flippant iii censuring his acts, were known to the 

After much discussion to this effect, the natural good sense and 
penetration of Mr. Costigan surprised some of those who preceded 
him, by showing them that they were as yet ignorant of the ten- 
dency of Mr. Grattan's letter, or even of that which was trans- 
mitted to the Right Honourable Gentleman. Having read both 
those documents, he clearly proved that there was a discretion 
allowed to Mr. Grattan, and that his letter went only to say that 
he would avail himself of it. 

Mr. O'Connell did confess that the letter had one unhappy 
phrase : *'* As soon as circumstances will warrant." He further 
acknowledged that he himself was the author of it. 

Dr. Dromgoole thought that there was much propriety in what 
fell from Mr. Costigan. Mr. Grattan's letter was certainly no 
more than an echo of the one which had been written to him. He 
was persuaded that nothing decisive should be adopted, without 
communicating with Mr, G. He was, however, at the same time 
firmly of opinion, that the petition should be entrusted to other 
hands, if Mr. Grattan did not chuse to move upon it. 

Mr. Lynch expatiated at considerable length on the point sug- 
gested by Mr. Costigan. 

After much debate, Mr. O'Gorman offered the following resolu- 
tion to the consideration of the meeting, stating that it was framed 
to embrace the objects of all parties ; to express the sense of the 
Board in the first place, that a discussion should be had before the 
close of the present sessions ; secondly, to leave Mr. Grattan an 
opportunity of stating whether he did not act under an impression 
of being furnished with full powers to obey the dictates of his own 
discretion ; and, thirdly, to avoid all possibility of giving the Right 
Honourable Gentleman the slightest offence : — 

Resolved, That the Roman Catholics of Ireland, having re- 
peatedly promulgated their decided opinion, upon the necessity of 
bringing the discussion of their petitions under the consideration 
of the legislature until their final and unqualified emancipation 
shall be effected, we feel ourselves bound to reiterate our earnest 
request to the Earl of Donoughmore and the Right Honourable 
Henry Grattan, that they will exert their great talents in pro- 
curing and urging such discussion as speedily as possible during 
the present session. 

A member proposed the following addition to the above : — 
That our chairman be requested to enclose the forgoing resolu- 
tion to the Noble Lord, and the Right Hon. Henry Grattan. 

Those resolutions having passed unanimously, Mr. O'Connell 
moved the following, with a view, of course, of acting upon his 



original proposition if Mr. Grattan should not accede to the 
wishes of the Board : — 

That an aggregate meeting of the Catholics of Ireland be held 
on Saturday, the 11th day of June, to take into consideration the 
petition voted at a former aggregate meeting.* 

To the Earl of Donoughmore and Mr. Grattan. 
My Lord, and Sir, Hth May, 18H. 

I have been requested by a note of the General Board of 
the Catholics of Ireland, as the chairman, to communicate to you 
their anxious desire to have the Catholic petitions presented to 
Parliament on as early a day as possible, so that a discussion may 
take place on the great question of emancipation, as soon as exist- 
ing circumstances will warrant. 

I have the honour to be, 
My Lord, and Sir, 

Your obedient humble Servant, 


Mr. Grattan s Answer. 
My LORD, London, 21st May, 1814. 

I had the honour to receive your Lordship's letter, com- 
municating, by vote of the Catholic Board, their anxious desire to 
have the Catholic petition presented on as early a day as possible, 
so that a discussion may take place on the great question of their 
emancipation, as soon as existing circumstances will warrant. 

In answer to which I beg to say, that I shall present the petition 
immediately, and I shall be happy to bring on a discussion when- 
ever existing circumstances appear to me warrant such a step ; 
but, at present, any proceedings beyond the presentation of the 
petition would be, in my opinion, an injury to the Catholic cause. 

I found this opinion on a view of the present circumstances, and 
after consulting the friends of the Catholics in the House of 

I have the honour to be, 
Your Lordship's most obedient humble Servant, 


Earl of Donoughmore s Ansxver. 

4, Bulstrode Street, Manchester Square, 

My Lord, 25th May, 1814. 

My recent arrival in town, and the necessity which I felt 
of some previous communication with the principal parliamentary 
friends of that cause, for the success of which we are all interested 
alike, has prevented me from being enabled to reply so early as I 

* On the 3d of June, 1814, the Lord- Lieu tenant (Whitworth), and the Privy 
Council, issued a Proclamation suppressing the Catholic Board. 

z 2 



could have wished to the communication which I had the honour 
of receiving from your I^ordship, in the name of the Catholic 
Board. But I must still request some forther indulgence from you 
upon that subject. It is particularly necessary that I should at 
once guard the Board against the extraordinary misrepresent- 
ations which have appeared in some of the morning papers of this 
day, of a part of what Mr. Grattan said in the House of 
Commons yesterday, on presenting some of those petitions from 
Ireland which had been committed to him. 

He is by these papers made to express himself as if my opinion 
coincided entirely with him on the expediency of not agitating at 
present the Catholic question. Whatever my sentiments may be 
upon that subject, it would be highly unbecoming in me, if 
I had not myself made the first communication of them to your 
Lordship, as the organ of the Catholic Board. 

Immediately, therefore, upon seeing these statements of which 
my Right Honourable Friend could never have said, I wrote him a 
few lines to say such was my firm persuasion, and the note which 
I now enclose was his prompt and candid reply. 

I have been most anxious to endeavour, if possible, to catch the 
post of this evening, to prevent any premature impression upon 
the mind of the Catholic Board, as to my opinions in relation to 
the discussion of this question at present, of which they have cer- 
tainly a right to receive the first intimation from myself. 
I have the honour to be, my Lord, 

Your Lordship's obedient humble Servant, 



Bulstrode Street, Manchester Square, 
Dear Sir, 28th May, 1814. 

Whether it is my good fortune to agree or to differ, with 
whatever regret, from those who conduct the proceedings of the 
Catholic Board, it is always my wish not to be unfairly stated to 
them. To do away the effect of such a representation, I caused 
the paragraph, of which I enclose you a copy, to be inserted in 
The Globe of this evening, and made some attempt at the office of 
The Courier, as another evening paper of great circulation, but 
there I was too late. 

I send it to you for the purpose of guarding me against those 
misrepresentations to which I should otherwise be subject, and 
that you may cause it to be inserted in those of the Dublin papers, 
which are the most authentic organs of the Catholic concerns. 

Yours, dear Sir, very truly, 

Mr. Grattan s Note enclosed in the foregoing. 
My dear Lord, 

I took care to avoid any expresssion yesterday that could 
include you. 

The Chronicle, which is the only paper which I saw, says, 
" that a member of Parliament ;" it should have said what I said, 

Appendix.] roman catholics. 341 

" this House." I wrote this day to Ireland to have the paragraph 
so amended. 

Such was my letter to Lord French, excluding the peers. I 
shall have an opportunity on Friday of setting any error to right. 

Most truly yours, 


To the Right Hon. Henry Grattan. 
Sir, Cork, 27th August, 1814. 

As chairman of the aggregate meeting of the Catholics of 
the county and city of Cork, held yesterday, it is my duty to 
transmit to you the enclosed resolutions, unanimously adopted by 
that assembly, and founded, I am certain, upon the anxious wish of 
the Catholics, that by communicating with you they may be able, 
from time to time (whilst they could disclaim any idea of dictation), 
to point out to your consideration facts which might have escaped 
the observation of even our warmest friend, though he should have 
made our grievances his particular study. 

I am, Sir, very desirous to discharge this duty, in a manner best 
suited to express the high respect and consideration in which you 
are held by the Catholics of this county and city, sentiments in 
which, I beg leave to add, no person can more cordially participate 
than, Sir, 

Your most obedient very humble Servant, 


Mr. Grattan s Anstuer. 
SlR, Tinnehinch, 4th Sept., 1814, 

I was favoured with your letter, enclosing resolutions of 
the Catholics of the city and county of Cork. 

I beg to acknowledge the receipt of your letter, with sincere 
thanks for the polite and handsome manner of your communi- 
cation ; and I shall, in a short time, return you my answer, and 
before the meeting intended shall take place. 

I am, Sir, with much sincerity, 

Your very faithful humble Servant, 



I have the honour to enclose my answer, with the assur- 
ance of my esteem for you, and an unalterable attachment to the 
cause of the Catholics. 

I am, 

Your very faithful humble Servant, 


* In the Session of 1814, Mr. Grattan presented a Petition from the Roman 
Catholics, but did not bring forward any discussion on the question, 
z 3 


[ Appendix. 

To the Roman Catholics of the County and City of Cork, assembled 
26th August, 1814. 
Gentlemen, j.4th September, 1814. 

I was favoured with your resolution, that Mr. Grattan 
be entrusted with the presentation of our petition, in case he shall 
agree to receive and pay attention to the instructions of the peti- 
tioners, or their accredited organ. 

To which I answer, / beg to decline the honour of presenting 
your petition on the proposed stipulation. 

I have been always ready to receive the information of my 
fellow-subjects with every attention to their right of free commu- 
nication, and to my right of free judgment ; but I shall make no 
stipulation on this head ; a proceeding new and extraordinary, and 
of a tendency to create a supposition, that I could submit my 
conduct to the direction of any organ, accredited or otherwise, or 
of any description of persons whatever. 

With unalterable attachment to your cause, 
I have the honour to be, 

Your very faithful, humble Servant, 


Resolved, That the Right Hon. Henry Grattan having, in 
his reply to the Chairman of our late Meeting, declared his 
" readiness to receive the information of his fellow subjects, with 
every attention to their right of free communication, and to his 
right of free judgment;" — (which embraces the full extent of our 
desires,) be again confidently intrusted with the presentation of our 
petition to the House of Commons. 

DUBLIN, 16th February, 1815. 

OWEN O'CONOR, Esq., in the Chair. 

Mr. O'Conor said, that in consequence of the resolution to 
that effect, passed at the last aggregate meeting, he had solicited 
an answer from Lord Donoughmore and Mr. Grattan, to the 
question accompanying the petition of the Catholics of Ireland. As 
he was aware of the anxiety which the people felt on this head, he 
begged leave to read the letters which passed between him and 
Lord Donoughmore and Mr. Grattan. His letter to Lord 
Donoughmore was as follows : 

My LORD, Moira Hotel, 25th Jan. 1815. 

I have the honour of inclosing a resolution, which passed 
unanimously at an aggregate meeting of the Roman Catholics of 
Ireland, held in Clarendon-street Chapel. 

I am extremely happy to inform your Lordship, that the reso- 
lution passed unanimously on Monday last, at a meeting of the 




committee, appointed to prepare petitions and resolutions to be 
submitted to the aggregate meeting. 

I had the honour of receiving a letter from your Lordship, after 
I had the honour of being called to the chair.* It was read for the 
meeting, and received with that deference, so justly due to every 
communication from your Lordship. 

I hope that the account of the proceedings to which your Lord- 
ship alluded, has been mis-stated or exaggerated, as I am per- 
suaded that no meeting of Catholics would entertain any other 
sentiments for your Lordship, than those of the highest respect. 

Allow me to assure your Lordship, that I sincerely participate 
with my Catholic countrymen, in regretting that your Lordship 
should deem it necessary to write that letter. 

I trust, however, that your Lordship may be induced, by the 
unanimous request of yesterday's meeting, to resume the adminis- 
tration of our affairs, and present our petition to Parliament in this 
setftiota. Our solicitude for your Lordship's undertaking its ma- 
nagement, will, I hope, assure your Lordship of our conviction, 
that no one would advocate it with more zeal, or promote it by 
more ability than your Lordship ; and that our entrusting it to 
your care will convince you at once of our confidence and 

I have the honour to be, with the greatest respect, 

Your Lordship's most obedient, humble Servant, 


* The following was the letter alluded to. 

Dear Sir, Knocklofty, 21st January, 1815. 

It appearing from the reports in the last Dublin Papers, of some late pro- 
ceedings in the Catholic Committee, that it is to he made a matter of debate at 
the Aggregate Meeting on Tuesday next, whether I am to be again entrusted 
with the care of their petitions; I have great satisfaction in availing myself of the 
opportunity which is thus afforded to me, and for which I anxiously sought for a 
considerable time past, of ivilhdrawii'S: myself altogether from any share or respon- 
silility in the future ?nanaccment of their appeals to Parliament, 

I cannot submit to the degradation of becoming the parliamentary automaton of 
any man, or any numler of men, hou<ever respectable the denomination which they 
assume ; nor of subjecting myself again to the other side of the alternative, and to 
the necessity of continually standing in my defence against misrepresentation and 
calumny, where I could have had no possible object but a sincere and ardent desire 
to deserve well of that important class of my fellow-subjects — for whose complete 
admission into every constitutional privilege, unrestricted by any jealous reserve, 
unincumbered by any degrading stipulations, I have never ceased to raise my 
feeble voice. 

As I think it questionable, from the proceedings of the late Catholic Com- 
mittee, as they have been reported in the public papers, whether Lord Fingall 
may consider it" to be fitting for him to preside at the Aggregate Meeting on 
Tuesday next, I have not addressed this letter to his Lordship, but to yourself, 
with my request, that you will have the goodness to hand it to the Chairman, 
whoever he may be, as a public paper, before the commencement of the pro- 
ceedings of the day. 

I always remain, 
Yours, my dear Sir, with much regard, and very truly, 


To Edward Hoy, Esq. 

Z I 




The following was the Resolution : 

Resolved, That the Earl of Donoughmore be requested to 
present our petition to the House of Lords, and that he be respect- 
fully informed, that we deem it of vital importance to the honour 
and interests of the Catholics of Ireland, that the merits of their 
claims should be discussed in the House of Lords, at as early a 
period in the present session as possible. And also, that this 
information is given him in order that he may decline presenting 
our petition, should he differ tuith us in opinion tioith respect to such 

To this his Lordship returned the following answer : 

To Otven O y Conor, Esq. 

DEAR SlR, Knocklofty, 30th Jan. 1815. 

In acknowledging the unanimous resolution of the late 
Aggregate Catholic Meeting, which you have done me the honour 
to communicate to me, and to which I beg leave to apprize you, 
that I have just now transmitted my answer to Mr. Edward Hay, 
to be by him handed to the Chairman of the adjourned meeting, on 
the 15th day of February next; permit me to say, how thankfully 
I receive those expressions of regard and confidence with which 
you have been so good to accompany your communication, and 
how ambitious I shall be, at all times, to continue to preserve your 
good opinion and esteem. 

Yours, dear Sir, 

Very faithfully, 


A similar Resolution was communicated to Mr. Grattan. 

To the Chairman of the adjourned Aggregate Meeting of the Ca- 
tholics of Ireland, appointed for Wednesday, l$th Feb. next. 

SlR, Knocklofty, 30th Jan. 1815. 

Being satisfied that without the intentional abandonment of 
what you owe to your countrymen'of all religious persuasions, as well 
as to yourselves, the present session should not be suffered to pass 
away without a full discussion of your manifold grievances, and 
legitimate claims upon the justice of Parliament, and no endeavour 
having been made to limit or direct the free exercise of my otvn judg- 
ment and discretion, as to what propositions I may think it expedient 
to submit to that House of which I am a member, or in which to 
acquiesce on your behalf, I can have no hesitation in accepting this 
last unequivocal proof of your renewed confidence, and by which I 
cannot too strongly express how truly I feel gratified and dis- 

I have the honour to be, Sir, 

Your faithful humble Servant, 


* 1 




Mr. O'Conor then said, he had written a letter to Mr. Grattan, 
to the same effect as that to Lord Doxoughmore, to which he 
received an answer, stating, that he (Mr. Grattan) would cause 
to be transmitted to him, a full exposition of his sentiments, and 
answer to the question proposed. He said, that at a late hour last 
night, a letter reached him from Mr. Grattan, which he would 
now read to the meeting. 

Mr. Grattan s Answer. 
Gentlemen*, Dublin, 15th Feb. 1815. 

I was favoured with a Resolution from the Roman Catholic 
Aggregate Meeting, held on the 25th of January, in Dublin, re- 
questing that I should present their petition to Parliament ; but if 
I did not agree with them in opinion, that the merits of the Catho- 
lic claims should be discussed this session of Parliament, at as 
early a period as possible, that I should decline presenting the 

In answer to which I beg to observe, that it is impossible for me 
to make a previous declaration of my opinion, as the stipulation 
for the honour of presenting your petition to Parliament. 

My attachment to the claims of the Catholics is knoivn — my con- 
stancy on that subject is unquestionable. 

Should you give me your petition, I shall most willingly present 
it. Should you entrust it to another, my struggles and my perse- 
verance for the claims of the Roman Catholics shall never, on that 
account, be diminished. My zeal in their cause shall remain 

Gentlemen, I have the honour to be, 

Your very faithful, humble Servant, 


To the Right Hon. Henry Grattan. 


The undersigned Roman Catholics of theCounty of Roscom- 
mon, deeply impressed with a just sense of your public conduct, 
beg leave to offer you the expression of their gratitude. 

Were your countrymen to estimate your merits, by the services 
you performed, the difficulties you encountered, the abilities you 
displayed, and the perseverance and fortitude you evinced, their 
gratitude should be unbounded. 

Had you been the deliverer of a free nation, whose liberties had 
been cloven down by sudden violence, you would have deserved to 
rank amongst the best benefactors of mankind ; but you had a task 
far more difficult to perform — to emancipate a nation long enslaved, 

* In consequence of this letter the Catholic Petition was entrusted to Sir 
Henry Parnell. 



to rouse the torpid, to animate the spiritless, to infuse sensibility 
into habitual slavery, and patriotism into colonial subserviency. 

The free constitution you obtained, you sought to enlarge and 
perpetuate, by admitting the Catholics within its pale. Factious 
men, enemies to your fame, and enemies to repose, thwarted your 
plans, maligned your motives, and slandered your reputation. 

The wisdom of your counsels, and the experience of their fatal 
rejection, are not lost upon us. After displaying the most con- 
summate prudence in the management, and the most sublime elo- 
quence in the advocacy of our cause, after awakening dormant 
liberality, dissipating obstinate prejudices, and silencing inveterate 
hostility, you found moderation, on our part, necessary to the 
ultimate success of jour efforts ; you have, therefore, in the spirit 
of conciliation, recommended it to our body. We embrace with 
ardour the paternal advice of the father of his country. You have 
found opposition where you ought to have met with co-operation ; 
you have experienced slight, where you ought to have enjoyed 
the overflowings of gratitude. Were we not acquainted with the 
magnanimity of your character, we should despair of your friend- 
ship. We know your generosity — we rely on your zeal — and 
trust, that your exertions will be gratified with the reward you 
value most — the emancipation of your Catholic countrymen, and 
the peace and harmony of your native land. 

John Ferrall, Bloomfield. 
Bernard Fallon, Runnemede. 
Daniel Ferrall, BeecJvwood. 
William Kelly, Turruck. 
Francis O'Beirne, James-town. 
Christopher French, French-lawn. 
Edward Irvine, Leabeg. 
Thomas O'Conor, Arne. 
Matthew O'Conor, Mount- Druid, 
Patrick Brown, Clonfad. 
William Walsh, Mount Hussy, 
James Coyne, Summerville, 
Daniel Keogh, Leghill. 
Barth. Ferrall, Greenhill, 
Patrick O' Sullivan, Cottage, 
James O' Sullivan, Lodge, 
Daniel Cruise, Camla, 
Michael Flinn, Kilternan. 
Owen T. Reynolds, Fera. 
Richard Keogh, Leghill. 

Michael Balfe, Southpark, 
George Taaffe, Ballinacurnly, 
Matthew Conry, Bush-hill, 
John Balfe, Clonalis. 
Richard Irvine, Rathmile. 
John Irvine, Farmhall. 
Martin Brown, Clonfad. 
Morgan T. M'Donogh, Carrick. 
Edward French, Beta, 
Edmond French, Ditto. 
John Flanagan, Cloghan. 
Francis Flanagan, Ditto. 
Patrick Brown, Croghan. 
William Murphy, Mullen. 
Francis Lynch, Lotuberry. 
Christopher Irvine, Leabeg. 
Hugh M'Ternan, Mount Allen. 
Thomas Dillon, Clooniborne. 
Charles Ward, Tineancouve. 

Mr. Grattans Answer. 
GENTLEMEN, Tinnehinch, 3d April, 1816. 

Reading your names, it would be affectation in me to deny 
that I am proud of your approbation. 

Were I to return you suitable thanks, the vocabulary would 
he exhausted ; but my regard and attachment would remain un- 



I have no reason to complain of the Catholics, least of all have 
I any justification to lessen my zeal in their favour. 

Your cause is the cause of the empire ; — the general concern, the 
peculiar interest of my countrymen, and of that part especially 
that suffers by the penal code, my duty, and my affection, com- 
mand my feeble efforts in your service. 

I approve of your spirit of conciliation, and I hope that time will 
remove those difficulties that stand in the way of your emancipation 
— such difficulties must soon give way, and common sense will be 
found the best judge of common interest. 

1 have the honour to be, Gentlemen, 
With the greatest respect and regard, 

Your most obedient, humble Servant, 



15th October, 1816. 
The Committee appointed to manage the petition of this parish, 
on the subject of the window tax, had an interview with Messrs. 
Shaw, Grattan, Plunkett, and Talbot, at the house of the first 
Gentleman, in Merrion-square. The petition was duly delivered, 
and one of the committee made the wishes of the parish, in regard 
to it, known in the following terms : — 

To Henry Grattan, Esq. 


We, the committee appointed by the householders of St, 
Bridget's parish, wait on you with their petition, praying a repeal 
of the window light tax ; and request you to present it to Parlia- 
ment in its next session. 

Gentlemen, our petition simply asks a repeal of this cess : 
first, on the faith of promise made us by the late Right Honourable 
Isaac Corry, in 1800, since which period, now seventeen years, it 
has been progressively increased ; secondly, we ask relief on the 
ground of its being indispensable; we have no trade — our manu- 
facturers are ruined — a great portion of our fellow-citizens are in 
a state of bankruptcy — our artizans and labourers without employ- 
ment — our city, with the exception of a few of those monuments 
of our former greatness, falling to ruin — our country struck from 
the list of nations — our taxation oppressive — our poverty most 
notorious ; and need I give a stronger proof of it, than that unpre- 
cedented act of his Majesty's commissioners of excise, directing 
their collectors to receive this tax by instalments ? We are aware 
of a clause in this act, provided that houses let in detached tene- 
ments, at the rate of 51. annually, shall be exempt from this tax ; 
but that gives no relief ; there is no rent so low. This amounts to 
S^d. per night, and the lowest that I can ascertain to be paid for 
the very worst species of accommodation is 5d. The parish to 




which we belong, situated in the very heart of this metropolis, and 
part of the castle in it, contains somewhat about six hundred 
houses, fifty of which are uninhabited, through the just appre- 
hension, that tenants venturing their property into them, should 
fall a prey to this excessive taxation. — There are fifty-seven more, 
the proprietors of which are declared by the Churchwardens, in 
their account, insolvent, and unable to pay even the parish taxes — 
and how, in the name of Heaven, are they to pay this still more 
oppressive cess ? About twenty more are in ruins, and the pro- 
prietors of the residue now declare their state little short of beg- 
gary. This is the first remonstrance we have ever offered against 
taxation ; and were it not for the waste of the public money, that 
is committed in so many various modes, but especially in upholding 
an immense standing army, in a time of universal peace, and main- 
taining such an extravagant number of sinecurists, which so mate- 
rially interfere with the constitutional representation of the people, 
we should scarcely even now complain. 

Gentlemen, from these exactions, we, your unfortunate fellow- 
citizens and countrymen, do most earnestly supplicate your exer- 
tions to be relieved. A substitute, it is said, must be had instead 
of this tax, if it be repealed ; and might I take the liberty to offer 
a few suggestions on that subject ? ' Let me call to your recol- 
lection, that there is a class of subjects denominated loan-holders, 
whose income has suffered no diminution whatever, while that of 
almost every other has. Were one per cent, deducted off the in- 
terest of the national debt, that alone would place to our account 
11,000,000/. annually. Strike off the useless sinecurists, and that 
will save 1,500,000/. Reduce the army to a proper peace esta- 
blishment, and I think that there will be an equivalent substitute 
for the tax in question. 

Another suggestion, however extravagant it may appear, a 
zeal for the welfare of my country induces me to mention. Were 
his Majesty pleased to call an occasional Parliament in this coun- 
try, it would not only serve the nation at large, but enable us the 
better to make our grievances known, and the more easily to have 
them redressed. Such a line of conduct is not unprecedented : 
the Tartar Emperor of China, did so by Pekin and Nankin— the 
Emperor of Russia did so by St. Petersburgh and Moscow — and 
his Majesty the King of the Netherlands is about to act so by 
Amsterdam and Brussels — and why not his Majesty of Britain do 
the same by this city and London ? 

Mr. Grattan, can my words add vigour to the virtuous 
energy which has ever inspired the heart of the veteran patriot, 
who so heroically arrayed himself against the phalanx of infamy, 
that sold the country of which he is the parent and the founder ? 
Surely you will not deny that country's orphan children your ines- 
timable support. 

Mr. Grattarts Answer lo the foregoing Address. 


This unexpected Address I acknowledge I was quite un- 
prepared to meet, and declare myself unable to answer. The fire 




of genius, Sir, is more adapted to youth than old age. The long 
connexion existing between me and the city of Dublin, is of such 
a nature, that whatever is their wish must be mine, and that con- 
nexion shall exist while my life lasts. I feel most peculiarly grati- 
fied at being called upon by you, and let me give you my positive 
assurance that I will, as far as my strength and ability will permit, 
give your petition my most ardent support. 

Mr. Grattan's Answer to the Committee. 
Gentlemen, 29th Oct. i8is. 

To the honour of receiving your address, I beg to say that 
I have a very deep sense of the public distress, and of yours in 
particular. The present difficulties will, I make no doubt, be met 
by economy and reduction on the part of the Ministers, and by 
fortitude and good sense on the part of the people. I should be 
criminal were I to suggest to you the expectation of what I am 
sure you do not look for, the abolition, at the present moment, of 
any of the capital resources of the state. But every thing which 
is practical, and can avail to your relief, on the subject of your 
petition, commands, and shall have my entire support. 

I am your obedient and very humble Servant, 


To the Right Hon. Henry Grattan, Sfc. SfC. 
DEAR SlR, Lennon's Hotel, Sackvi lie-street, 5th Feb. 1817. 

I have the honour of inclosing to you the copy of a Reso- 
lution adopted by a Meeting convened by public advertisement, 
and held yesterday, of the Catholics who had signed a petition 
transmitted to you last year by Lord Trimbleston. You will per- 
ceive, by this Resolution, that the Meeting, adhering to the prin- 
ciples contained in the petition referred to, are desirous that you 
would be pleased to ground a motion on the prayer of it, on as 
early a day as you may think proper in the present session of Par- 
liament. Allow me, in their name, to request of you a compliance 
with their wishes, and to state that I shall feel gratified, as their 
Chairman, by receiving a communication of your intentions on the 

I have the honour to be, dear Sir, 

Your most obedient Servant, 


Mr. Grattan s Answer. 
My DEAR Lord, Tinnehinch, 7th Feb. 1817. 

I had the honour of receiving your Lordship's letter, to- 
gether with the Resolution of a Meeting of Catholics, held on the 
4th of this month, expressing a wish that I should move on their 
petition, presented the last session of Parliament. In answer to 




which, I beg that your Lordship will return my thanks to the 
Meeting for the continuation of theirconfidence; and assure them, 
that I shall move upon their petition at an early day this session 
of Parliament. 

Please to add, that I am, with much respect, their very faithful 
humble Servant, 


Sir THOMAS ESMONDS, Bart., in the Chair. 

The Chairman informed the Committee, that he had received 
answers from Mr. Grattan and Sir Henry Parnell, which he 
would lay before them. 

The letters of Mr. Grattan and Sir Henry Parnell were 
then read. The following were the letters addressed to those 
gentlemen : — . - 

To the Right Hon. Henry Grattan. 

SlR, Dublin, 4, Capel-street, 26th Feb. 1817. 

Deeply impressed with the benefit which any cause must 
derive from the weight of your character and talents, we, the ge- 
neral committee of the Roman Catholics of Ireland, respectfully 
request that you will support our petition to that branch of the le- 
gislature of which you are a member. 

It prays for a repeal of the penal statutes which aggrieve us, 
and expresses our readiness to remove the fears of our Protestant 
countrymen, however unfounded, respecting foreign influence, by 
any mode of domestic nomination which the proper authority of our 
Church can carry into effect. It also states our unalterable opi- 
nion, that any interference, direct or indirect, of the Crown or its 
servants, in the appointment of our clergy, must prove highly de- 
trimental to their purity; and that we should prefer never to be 
emancipated, to obtaining emancipation upon this condition. 

We hope that, having thus admitted the principle of concession, 
and offered solid and substantial securities,, you will not deem it 
incompatible with your public duty to advocate our cause upon 
the only terms on which we wish it to succeed ; and that you will 
exert your talents and influence to prevent any Act from being 
forced upon us, which shall be founded upon any thing in the nature 
of a veto. 

We trust you will not consider us guilty of disrespect to the le- 
gislature, when we say, that if, in its wisdom, it shall deem it im- 
possible to alter our condition without a veto, we should be much 
more satisfied at being left as we are. We have objections to that 
measure, springing from religious feelings that never can be sur- 
mounted, which should be respectable even to those by whom they 
are thought erroneous. 

These our sentiments have also been corroborated and confirmed 
by the solemn decision of our prelates, duly convened in synod, 



and expressed in Resolutions, of which we take the liberty to inclose 
you a copy. 

Having already placed our petition in the hands of Sir Henry 
Parnell, we should consider it an addition to the numerous obli- 
gations by which we are bound to you, if you were pleased to give 
him the benefit of your advice and co-operation, and concert with 
him the means most likely to attain our object. 

Signed by Order, 


To Sir H. Parnell, Bart. 


Being informed by extracts from your letter to Mr. Scully, 
that you did not think it advisable that you should move upon the 
general merits of our petition, we beg leave to submit to you our 
respectful opinion, that there is nothing in the reasons or facts you 
have stated, which should change your original intention of making 
such a motion, it being our earnest wish that the objects you have 
so wisely planned should be carried into effect as speedily as 

Having transmitted a letter to Mr. Grattan, of which we 
inclose you a copy, and which we sincerely hope will secure you 
his co-operation in your efforts for our relief we respectfully re- 
quest that you will hold such communication with him upon this 
subject, as may, in your judgment, be most calculated to attain our 

We gladly avail ourselves of this occasion to express to you the 
deep sense of respectful gratitude entertained towards you by the 
Catholics of Ireland, for your zealous, intelligent, and most useful 

Signed by order, 

f HOS. ESMONDE, Chairman. 

Mr. Grattan s Answer. 
Sir, Tinnehinch, 2nd March, 1817. 

I entirely concur with the committee in the opinion they 
entertain of Sir Henry Parnell ; and I am happy to learn that 
they mean to continue to such a valuable person the custody of 
their petition. I shall be ever ready to hold communication with 
him whenever he pleases to do me that honour ; and I shall be 
very happy to support your application for emancipation; but 
must decline the function of being the advocate of any opinion 
which would import my concurrence in the idea, that perpetual 
exclusion from the Constitution is preferable to civil liberty with the 

I am, with the best wishes to the Catholic body and their cause, 
Your very faithful and obedient Servant, 

P. S. — I did not get your letter till Saturday morning in the 
country, which I answered yesterday, and brought to town with 
me to-day. 




To the Eight Hon,, Henry Grattan, 

SlR, % Capel-street, 8th March, 1817. 

I have the honour to inclose you the Resolutions of the 
Catholics of Ireland, determined on at their Aggregate Meeting, 
held on the 6th instant. 

The Catholics of Ireland, Sir, know and appreciate your ex- 
ertions, both in their cause in particular, and in the cause of their 
country in general. They with gratitude remember you as the 
great advocate of their present political liberty; and, with the rest 
of our countrymen, remember the period of 1782, and revere you 
as the successful assertor of their country's rights. 

Impressed, therefore, with the deepest gratitude for these many 
services, I beg leave most respectfully to submit to you the dread 
the Irish Catholic people entertain of the veto, and their decided 
preference to remain as they are, to obtaining their emancipation, 
if connected with that measure. It is neither passion nor preju- 
dice which fixes them to this opinion ; but the conscientious con- 
viction that it might ultimately injure the religion they profess, 
without giving any additional security to the state against foreign 
influence, which domestic nomination is so amply calculated to 

Such being their decided sentiments, they fondly trust to have 
the good fortune of your powerful advocacy ; and that opinions 
arising from principle may be respected, particularly by you, Sir, 
whose long and tried services in their cause, and that of their 
country, (pardon the repetition), prompt all to place every confi- 
dence in a name so interwoven with the best interests of your 

I have the honour to be, with great respect, 

Your obedient humble Servant, 


Mr. Grattan s Answer. 

Sir, Tinnehinch, 11th March, 1817. 

I was favoured with your letter, and the Resolutions it con- 
tained : I beg leave to acknowledge the receipt of them. I am 
extremely flattered by the opinion you entertain of me, and the 
very kind manner in which you have expressed it, and beg to re- 
turn you my particular thanks. 

I remain, Sir, with high respect, 

Your faithful, humble Servant, 





At a Meeting of the deputies of the several parishes of Dublin, 
assembled to procure a repeal of the window tax, Decem- 
ber, 1817. 

Mr. WILLIAM SMITH in the Chair. 

Mr. Smith said he had addressed an official letter to Mr. Grat- 
tan", also, and had received a note of a few lines from him, by way 
of reply. The note was in these words : 

SlR, 56, Stephen's. 

I received your letter the day before yesterday, and should 
be exceedingly glad, before I give an answer, to have a copy of 
the petition. 

Your very humble Servant, 


Mr. Smith transmitted a copy of the petition to Mr. Grattan, 
and had since been honoured with the following letter from the 
Right Hon. Gentleman : 

SlR, Tinnehinch, 15th December, 1817. 

I h ad the honour of receiving your letter, with a copy of a 
petition, entitled, ' A petition of the subscribing individuals;' and 
I am requested to present the same. I am ready to do so. 

I have a great value for the wishes of my fellow-citizens, and I 
entertain for them a great personal and political affection. 

I have a deep conviction of the pressure of the window tax, parti- 
cularly on my constituents ; and I shall exert the best of my efforts, 
and exercise the best of my judgment, to obtain for them every 
practical relief on the subject. 

I have the honour to be, with great respect and esteem, 

Your most obedient Servant, 


The seventh General Meeting of the Deputies. 

WILLIAM SMITH. Esq., in the Chair. 

Mr. Smith stated, that, in obedience to a Resolution passed by 
the deputies at their last Meeting, he had, upon that very day, 
written to Mr. Grattan, to ascertain his sentiments upon the 
subject of the petition of the householders of Dublin. The fol- 
lowing is the letter : 

Sir, Brunswick-street, 18th Dec. 1817. 

I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your let- 
ter of the 15tli instant, which I laid before the deputies of the co- 
operating parishes, at a meeting held this day ; and I have been 

A A 




directed by them to acquaint you that the following sentence in 
that letter,—" I shall exert the best of my efforts, and exercise 
the best of my judgment, to obtain for them every practical relief 
on the subject" has excited considerable doubts in their minds 
with respect to the line of conduct you may hereafter adopt, in 
regard to their petition. They feel that they. are entitled to a re- 
peal of the window tax, both in redemption of a solemn pledge 
given by Mr. Corry, when Chancellor of the Exchequer, to the 
Irish Parliament, and in recompence of the large sums which they 
were obliged to contribute during the late war ; sums, in conse- 
quence of their quota having been calculated upon enormous data 
at the time of the union, considerably surpassing their fair pro- 

When, in obedience to the trust reposed in them by the pe- 
titioners, they selected you as one of the individuals best qualified 
to present their petition, they had in view not merely the relation 
in which you stood as one of their representatives, but they hoped 
for the powerful aid of your transcendent abilities, in laying before 
the House of Commons that claim to a full and unqualified repeal 
of that obnoxious impost. They were particularly anxious that the 
individual to whom they should commit the petition confided to 
their care, would not be the mere medium of its transmission, but 
would be an active and zealous supporter of the repeal which it 
sought ; they have, therefore, directed me to request an explanation 
of the sentence in your letter, which has excited their doubts, and 
they would feel much concern if your answer should confirm the 
apprehensions it has created in their minds, that, instead of advo- 
cating a total repeal of the tax, you would be inclined to accept 
of some modification or diminution of it. 
I have the honour to be, Sir, 

With the highest respect and esteem, 

Your obedient and humble Servant, 


Not having received any answer to this letter, he, on the 24th 
of December, transmitted another copy of his letter to Mr. Grat- 
tan, accompanied by the following note : 

SlR, Brunswick- street, 24th Dec. 1817. 

Not having had the honour of a reply to my letter of the 
18th inst., I beg leave to inclose a duplicate of it, lest my former did 
not come to hand ; and as the deputies of the co-operating parishes 
are to meet on Monday next, I hope to be favoured with a reply 
in time to lay before them at the Meeting. 

I have the honour to be, Sir, with great respect, 

Your most obedient humble Servant, 





On the 26th he received the following: — 
SlR, 23d December, 1817. 

I this moment received your letter, with its inclosure, and 
I shall return an answer by my messenger ; I mean my own ser- 
vant, lest the post should miscarry. I have the honour to be, 

Your very obedient humble Servant, 
William Smith, Esq. H. GRATTAN. 

On the 28th, he received the following letter, marked " A 
Copy."' Another communication, in the same words, and which 
he supposed was the original, reached him this (Monday) morning : 

(A COPY.) 

SlR, Tinnehinch, Bray, 28th Dec. 1817. 

I had the honour of receiving your letter of the 18th. 

You are good enough to mention that you laid my answers be- 
fore the deputies of the co-operating parishes, and that they have 
expressed a wish for an explanation. 

I shall be ever happy to explain myself to my fellow-citizens. 

You are pleased to mention that the words "practicable relief," 
have created their doubts. 

By practicable relief, I beg to say, I intended such relief as was 
compatible with the necessary support of the empire, and the sub- 
stantial relief of the people. 

My fellow-citizens will agree with me, not to compromise the 
empire or the community ; and on this question we may well re- 
concile the interests of both. 

I consider the window-tax as unequal and oppressive; and I wish 
to relieve my countrymen from the pressure of that heavy impost : 
and, therefore, I must decline to pledge myself to advocate or ac- 
cept of no relief but such as shall arise from a total repeal of the 
tax. without substitute of any kind or sort whatsoever. 

With the best wishes for the redress of my constituents, I must 
then hope that the honour of presenting their petition must be 
transferred to some other person, Avho enters into all its objects 
with an expectation of success ; and I shall remain free to make 
the best terms I can for my countrymen, and to pursue, or accede 
to their relief, by all such means as shall be found to be prac- 

As to that part of your letter which mentions an error in the 
calculation of the Irish quota, I beg to say, that when that consi- 
deration comes on, I shall take a most decided part to do justice 
to my country. 

I cannot conclude without returning you my most sincere thanks 
for the trouble you have taken, and for the polite communication 
with which you have honoured me. 

I remain, Sir, with much respect, 

Your most faithful, obedient humble Servant, 
William Smith, Esq. HENRY GRATTAN.* 

* In consequence of this letter the care of the Petition was entrusted solely to 
Mr. Shaw (the other city representative). 

A A 2 





Tuesday, the election for two representatives in Parliament for 
this city, took place at the Sessions House, Green-street. At an 
early hour, immense numbers thronged the adjoining streets and 
avenues. Soon after ten o'clock, the Lord Mayor and Sheriffs 
took their seats on the bench. The candidates, the Right Hon. 
Henry Grattan and Robert Shaw, Esq., did not appear until 
a few minutes after eleven o'clock. 

The first proclamation had been read a considerable time. before 
their arrival : they took their place on the bench, and were re- 
ceived by their respective partisans with much applause. Every 
part of the Court was crowded to excess. The Countess of Char- 
lemont, and some fashionable and distinguished ladies, were ac- 
commodated in the gallery, immediately over Mr. Grattan's 
side of the hustings. The prescribed forms being observed, 

The Clerk of the Peace having read the writ addressed to the 

Mr. G. D. Latouche came forward, and proposed the Right 
Hon. Henry Grattan as a fit and proper person to represent the 
city of Dublin in Parliament. 

Mr. Arthur Guinness, in a brief and impressive speech, 
seconded the nomination of Mr. Grattan. He spoke to this 
effect : 

Mr. Sheriff and Gentlemen, 

It falls to my lot to second the nomination which my Hon. 
Friend upon my right (Mr. Latouche) has made. I am unaccus- 
tomed to public speaking, but I am sure my fellow-citizens will be 
candid enough to excuse my deficiencies. Fortunately, the sub- 
ject upon which I have to speak, requires but few observations. 
Mr. Grattan is known to every man who hears me; and I rejoice 
that my auditors are so well acquainted with him, for it would re- 
quire an eloquence as great and as powerful as his own, to describe 
his virtues and his talents. I am speaking in a city which has 
been the theatre of his greatest glories— the scene of his unparal- 
leled exertions for his country's advantage. We need not turn to 
the page of modern history, to look for his services ; we either 
know them ourselves, or we have learned them from the lips of 
our fathers : their best record is in our own hearts, and in those of 
our parents. We know that Mr. Grattan found Ireland de- 
pressed and dejected ; that he awakened and cherished her sleep- 
ing and almost benumbed energies ; that he watched the cradle of 
her independence; and that, by the exercise of his consummate 
wisdom, his splendid talents, his noble courage, he finally achieved 
a Constitution for his native land. And though subsequent cir- 
cumstances, which I shall not now bring into view, overpowered all 
his efforts to preserve his glorious work complete, we cannot forget 
that Mr. Grattan laid the foundation of Ireland's independence, 
that that foundation still remains, though the superstructure has 
been injured. I am sure that there is not an individual who hears 
me, that is not delighted to see the old and valued and brave 
9 • ' 




champion of Ireland, and Ireland's rights, in such a state of health 
as gives reason to hope that he will live to serve his country 
through the whole of the next Parliament. I have but one ob- 
servation more to make, and it is this : so far am I from entertain- 
ing a doubt whether Ireland should include Mr. Grattan in the 
hundred representatives which she sends into the Imperial Parlia- 
ment, that I am firmly persuaded, that if we were permitted to 
send but one man to represent this country, Mr. Grattan ought 
to be that man. 

This address was received with the most noisy acclamations. 

Mr. Grattan next came forward. He was received with great 
applause ; and as soon as silence was obtained, he spoke to the 
following purport : — Mr. Sheriff, my Lord Mayor, and my good 
friends, my old friends, my fellow-citizens — I am happy to see you 
once more. I am the member of a popular community, and I love 
the exercise of popular rights. I have no objection to be ques- 
tioned ; I have no objection to answer any question. It is my 
dut} r , as it is my inclination, to give my constituents every satis- 
faction. [Here some person in the crowd said, in rather a low 
tone of voice, " That's what you never did."] Mr. Grattan, 
with the greatest animation and strength of manner, turned to that 
quarter from which the voice issued, and said, I will tell that sa- 
gacious citizen that he cannot substantiate his assertion. I call 
upon him, I defy him, to point out a single act of my public life 
that has given my countrymen just cause to suspect my integrity, 
or to suppose me capable of disregarding their interests ; and if 
he fail to do so — and fail, I know he must — I consign him to that 
contempt and ridicule which the man who utters wild and idle as- 
sertions deserves. Mr. Grattan then continued. I have cer- 
tainly differed from some of my fellow-citizens upon some subjects ; 
but I have differed from them with sorrow and with deference. 
My opinions, however, are the opinions of an honest and sincere 
man ; and I still abide by them. Of that great question of the 
emancipation of my Catholic countrymen, I will say, that if Provi- 
dence gives me but a little more of life, I still hope to lay my head 
in the grave with the consoling reflection, that I have attained that 
great object of my labour. My fellow -citizen spoke of the corn- 
bill ; and he was perfectly right to state his opinion upon that 
measure. I advocated that bill ; I spoke upon it until, I may say, 
I tired the House ; and I voted in favour of it, because I thought, 
it would be serviceable to this country, by insuring her a prefer- 
ence in the English market. I believe it to be the duty of Great 
Britain to give Ireland a preference in her markets above all other 
countries ; and, therefore, I supported the corn-bill. My fellow- 
citizen (Mr. Stephens) takes another view of the subject. I differ 
from him ; and if it be a fault, I must, nevertheless, abide by it, 
for it is sanctioned by my judgment and my conscience. 

The questions which my friend and fellow-citizen (Mr. Willis) 
has put, I am quite ready to answer. For himself, as well as for 
his Corporation, I feel much esteem and respect. It is his right 
to put any question he pleases, and it is my duty to answer. His 
questions were three: first, Window Tax; second, Union; thirdj 
A A 3 




duration of Parliaments. I would ask, whether any man here can 
have a doubt of my opinions upon that terrible measure, the Union? 
I would ask, whether any servant of the people took a more zealous 
or a more active (I will not say able) part in opposing the disso- 
lution of the Parliamentary Constitution of Ireland, than I did ? 
In a state of health, too, which many would not have been able to 
contend with ! But I should flatter and mislead my fellow-citi- 
zens, if I allowed them to believe that they were sending me into 
Parliament to procure a repeal of the Act of Union. I cannot 
hold out any hope. It was urged in opposition to that dreadful 
enactment, that it wasjinal. To evils which are irremediable, I 
submit. Shall I tell my fellow-citizens that there is any thing in 
my physical or political life, which would enable me to relieve them 
from that terrible affliction I I cannot so deceive them. 

With respect to the Triennial Parliaments, I have repeatedly 
voted for plans of reform, of which a limitation of the duration of 
Parliament made a part. In 1796, Mr. Ponsonby brought forward 
a measure of reform : another was proposed in 1795. I supported 
a limitation on both occasions. I would do so, of course, again ; 
but let me add, that a mere limitation of duration would not, in 
my opinion, constitute such a reform as would be essentially bene- 
ficial. It would, undoubtedly, be a valuable part of a reform ; 
but the ground- work should be a correction of the representation. 
Should not that great measure be obtained, I would yet readily 
vote for the less one. To shorten the duration of Parliaments 
would be to gain a great good. In the reign of the late King, the 
Parliament took no root in the country. The frequent return of 
the representative increases his dependence upon the elector, 
elevates the middle classes of life, and makes them feel their own 
importance. I am satisfied that the limitation of Parliament would 
be serviceable to the country, and I would support a measure of 
that kind. With respect to the window tax, I will say, that it 
would not become me, as a member of the House of Commons, to 
dissent from the wishes of my constituents. For, though I would 
not lick the people's feet, I think I should be swayed by their sen- 
timent. I have told some of the parishes, whose ardour and zeal 
to obtain relief were undoubtedly commendable — (I will not now 
enquire whether they selected the best means) — that I thought 
this tax ought to be repealed ; but I did not stop there : I voted 
and spoke as zealously as any man for its total repeal. To my 
speech, on the subject, in Parliament, and my letter to the pa- 
rishes, I beg leave to refer. 

And now, having answered those questions which I am happy 
were put to me, I say to you, my fellow-citizens, if you approve of 
my past conduct, do me the honour to elect me again as your re- 
presentative : if you do not, I sincerely wish you may find a more 
able servant ; but I know you cannot choose one more disposed to 
serve you. [Loud cheering.] 

The last proclamations were now made, and the Sheriffs declared 
Mr. Grattan and Mr. Shaw duly elected. These gentlemen 
returned thanks. 

Appendix-] attack on mr. grattan. 


Mr. Grattan rose, and, pressing his hand upon his heart, said, 
with the strongest emotion, " My good friends, my fellow-citizens, 
/ thank you. You have, for the fifth time, elected me the repre- 
sentative of the second city of the greatest empire in the world. 
You have conferred upon me the highest honour, and you have 
reflected upon yourselves the greatest credit. You have given a 
signal proof of the good conduct, and good feeling, and constancy 
of the citizens of Dublin. You have shown that they possess a 
public spirit of the best kind, conducted by discretion, moderated 
by temperance, equally removed from unmeaning violence and 
tame submissiveness. 

" You have treated your representatives kindly ; you have been 
gracious masters to honest servants. It is not for me to say, that 
there may not be a great many men of wealth and talents in this 
city, better qualified to represent you than myself ; but you have 
shown that you are incapable of discarding an old servant, merely 
because you had grown tired of him. You have shown that you 
are superior to levity, and inaccessible to corruption — that you 
would not give any man cause to disturb the tranquillity of your 
city. If you had acted otherwise, it would have been terrible to 
me, because I must then have believed that I had lost your con- 
fidence — what remains to me of life is at your service. It was 
worth little — but you have given it value. You have conferred 
upon me the highest distinction in your power to bestow — every 
thing which an honest man can desire, or an old man, like me, 
accept — the assurance that he carries to his grave the affections of 
his fellow-citizens." (This speech was delivered in a very affecting 
tone of voice, and with much fervency. It drew tears from many 
of the auditors, and was loudly and repeatedly applauded.)* 


At a General Meeting of the Inhabitants of St. Audcon's parish, 
on the 6th day of July, 1818. 

HENRY DOOLITTLE, Esq. Churchwarden, in the Chair. 

The following Resolutions were unanimously agreed to: 
Resolved, That the late atrocious outrage committed on the 
person of the Right Honourable Henry Grattan, by an infuri- 
ate and ignorant rabble, disgraceful to our city, and to our feelings 
as Irishmen, calls forth our utmost surprise and indignation. 

Resolved, That the following Address be presented in the most 
respectful manner. 

* Shortly after leaving the hustings, Mr. Grattan was attacked by a mob, who 
quickly demolished the chair, assailing him and his friends with sticks and other 
missiles. One of them struck Mr. Grattan in the face, and drew forth a con- 
siderable effusion of blood : he was assisted by his son and his friends to a neigh- 
bouring house., and was confined some time by the effects of the wound ; but it 
proved of no material injury. 

AA 4> 




To the Right Honourable Henry Grattan. 


We, the Inhabitants of St. Audeon's parish, beg to offer our 
congratulations on your escape from the recent disgraceful attempt 
on your venerable person, by an infuriate and ignorant rabble. 

We feel confident that every man of honour laments, in common 
with us, that an assault of so atrocious a nature should haVe been 
committed upon any individual, but above all, upon the man who 
exerted his unrivalled and distinguished talents, and risked his 
person in the defence of the independence of his country. 

We cannot conclude, Sir, without expressing an ardent hope, 
that Providence will long continue to preserve your valuable life, 
to your family, your friends, and your country. 


Mr. Grattan s Answer. 

Friends and Fellow-Citizens, 

To have been exposed to the momentary anger of a violent 
rabble, is a misfortune common to almost every man in a free 
country. Misfortunes that are common to all should be complained 
of by none — it is a small price we pay for our inestimable consti- 
tution ; but to have had such a trifling danger attended with such 
public testimonies of kindness, is a piece of good fortune peculiar 
to myself, for which I beg leave to return my sincere thanks. 
May we long enjoy that constitution, and never have more reason 
to complain than that which such an event has afforded. 
I remain, gratefully, 

Your faithful humble Servant, 



At a most numerous and respectable Meeting of the inhabitants 
of St. Paul's parish, held at the Vestry, on Monday the 6th inst. 
pursuant to requisition. 

J. T. BELL and D. LINDSAY, Esqrs. Churchwardens, 
in the Chair. 

The following Address was unanimously agreed to, and five 
gentlemen appointed to present the same. 

To the Right Hon. Henry Grattan. 


In unison with those feelings which actuate every inde- 
pendent Irishman, we beg to express our abhorrence at the base 
attempt which has been madel o insult our incorruptible and long- 
tried representative, and bring on our country the foul charge of 

We feel, however, the consolation that this act, the mere tem- 
porary ebullition of misguided ignorance, has given an opportunity 



to your fellow citizens of all ranks and persuasions, to come for- 
ward with the expression of their attachment to the venerable 
champion of Ireland's rights, the stedfast guardian of her often 
assailed character. 

The bright pages' of our history in which the name of Grattan 
and constitutional liberty are connected, can never be obliterated 
from the remembrance of Irishmen. 

The citizens of Dublin have five times elected you their repre- 
sentative ; and though on the day on which, for the fifth time, they 
placed the sacred trust in your hands, a few contemptible ruffians 
should for a moment interrupt the triumph of our city, yet the uni- 
versal fervour which has thus been excited, makes us rather exult 
than grieve at the circumstance. 

We take this occasion to tell you, that at no furure period has 
our admiration for your talents, our gratitude for your patriotism, 
our respect for your virtues, been more lively or sincere, than at 
the present. 

Signed on behalf of the Parishioners, 

J. T. BELL, I n . , A 
D. LINDSAY, j Churchwardens. 

On Mr. Grattan's receiving the Address he was pleased to 
return the following Answer: 

My Friends and Fellow-Citizens, 

The anxiety of my countrymen exceeds far the importance 
of the object about which it is exercised. 

I wish I could promise you, that any efforts of mine could jus- 
tify the warm feelings which my fellow-citizens have expressed on 
my account — as a testimony of past service, they arc to me ines- 
timable ; they gratify, in the highest degree, the legitimate ambition 
of an Old Man, which is to continue to possess, to his last day, the 
affection of his country. 

I remain, Gentlemen, 

Your grateful humble Servant, 


Stli July, 1818. 

To the Right Hon. Henry Grattan. 


While. we deplore, in common with our fellow-citizens, the 
unparalleled and atrocious outrage offered to your venerated per- 
son, we feel impatient to lay before you the homage of our sincere 
and heartfelt congratulations for your safety from the attempt of a 
few outcast and senseless miscreants, who are as alien in feeling to 
the community at large, as they are to every sense of shame or 
virtue. We would despair of the morals of the people, were we 
not assured, that you are covered by the impenetrable shield of 




their protective love ; and who, scorning to lose their resentment 
on the offal of the city, require only* a dangerous emergency to call 
forth the fulness of that affection, which your eminent services in 
your country's cause, have a right to demand ; for we know few 
patriots living, however meritorious or emulous of public distinc- 
tion, who must not shrink from the competition, when you advance 
your claims to popular favour. We know few senators, however 
honourably ambitious of a reception in the Temple of Fame, who 
must not retire abashed, when the record of your political achieve- 
ments is unfolded. 

Pursuing steadily, the path of our immortal Swift, who, investi- 
gating the causes of Ireland's prostration, with intuitive sagacity, 
discovered and exposed the blemishes with which a bad govern- 
ment had disfigured her, your giant arm raised her from the de- 
grading abyss- — her blemishes vanished before the splendour of 
your eloquence ; and when the perfidious spoiler came to rifle those 
envied beauties your parental tenderness had matured ; when your 
patriot love could no longer sustain the Irish nation, on the proud 
and independent eminence to which your intrepid integrity raised 
her, you were found heroically offering the sacrifice of your life, in 
vindication of her expiring rights, and in aid of her last agonies, 
flinging with virtuous despair, your indignant rapier in the teeth of 
the ruffian policy, that, in extinguishing her resident Parliament, 
has extinguished the liberties of guiltless Ireland. 

Mr, Grattaris Anslver. 
My Friends and Fellow-Citizens, 

There is, in every community, a set of men who hang 
loose on the society, and who form no part of it, although they may 
occasionally interrupt its repose; they are to be forgiven and for- 
gotten. No wise man — no candid man can attribute to the com- 
munity their actions — nor can their wild proceedings blemish the 
society, although for a moment they interrupt its repose. I enter 
into the spirit with which you applaud our great countryman, the 
illustrious Swift, and have an hereditary attachment to his genius 
and his patriotism ; in defending your rights I did my duty, and 
shall always defend the privileges of Ireland. 

I remain, gratefully, 

Your faithful humble Servant, 



We, the inhabitants of St. Ann's parish, assembled in vestry, 
beg leave to offer you our sincere congratulations on your recent 
escape from a most detestable and brutal attack on your person, in 
the moment of celebrating your unanimous re-election to represent 
this city in Parliament. The usual terms of disgust and indignation 
fail us in our attempt to express the feelings arising from this inex- 




plicable and wanton outrage. We would wish to impress, Sir, on 
your mind, and on that of our Countrymen in all parts of this 
Empire, that gratitude for long-tried services, and personal affection 
to the steady friend of this country, are not dead in the breasts of 
the people of Dublin. — We would wish that the violence of an infu- 
riated and unthinking mob, should not be mistaken for the delibe- 
rate act of the citizens at large. 

Believe us, the sentiment of gratitude for your escape, is univer- 
sal amongst all classes. — Believe that the warmest wish of all 
hearts, is that you may long live to represent this city, in the enjoy- 
ment of health, prosperity, and the affection of your constituents. 

Mr. G rat tan s Answer. 
My Friends and Fellow-Citizens, 

An accidental outrage committed by an individual, has 
given you an opportunity of expressing your kindness to me, and 
given me an occasion to declare my attachment to you. 

The warmth of your expressions proceeds more from the good- 
ness of your hearts, than from any pretensions of mine. 

I receive them as a testimony of the affections of my Fellow- 
citizens, rather than as a measure of my merits. 

I am proud to find my past conduct nas obtained your approba- 
tion ; that approbation is in itself a reward, and an additional induce- 
ment to persist to act upon those principles which have obtained 
the affection of my fellow-citizens. 

I remain, 

Your obedient humble Servant, 



At a numerous and respectable Meeting of the householders of St. 
Mary's parish, convened by public notice, and held at the Vestry- 
room, on Monday, 6th July. 

C. THORPE and RICHARD WRIGHT, Churchwardens, 
in the Chair. 

It was Resolved unanimously, That it is with sentiments of deep 
regret we express our abhorrence of the late violent attack on our 
revered representative, the Right Honourable Henry Grattan. We 
thought his long and valuable services, his great and transcendent 
talents, his amiable character in private life, his hoary locks, and 
his past labours for the public good, should have checked such 
savage outrage on so virtuous a patriot. 

Resolved, that a Committee, composed of the following gentle- 
men, Rev. W. Walker, Robert Armstrong, Jos. Kearney, Francis 
Hughes, James Huffington, James Chambers, G. Scurlog, Thomas 
Daniel, P. Fitzpatrick, J.Abbott, Esqrs., with the Churchwardens, 
be appointed to prepare asuitable Address on the occasion, and that 
they do present the same to Mr. Grattan. 




The Committee having retired for a short time, submitted the 
following Address to the Meeting, which was unanimously agreed to. 

Resolved, That the Churchwardens be requested to publish 
the said Address, with Mr. Grattan 's Answer, three times, in 
The Freeman's Journal, Carrick's Morning Post, and Dublin 
Evening Post. 

The Churchwardens, accompanied by the above-named gentle- 
men, and a number of parishioners, waited upon Mr. Grattan, 
on the 9th instant, with the following Address : 

To the Right Honorable Henry Grattan. 


Were we not fully satisfied that the late attack upon your 
person was the unpremeditated act of a few wretches, degraded 
alike by ignorance and vice below the level of humanity, we should 
feel ashamed to acknowledge ourselves natives of a country in 
which such an outrage could be committed. 

It is not, Sir, amongst the dupes of delusion, or the slaves of 
unmeaning passion, that you are to look for the judgment of this 
generation, or the decision of posterity. If the diligent and con- 
sistent exercise of the most splendid talents in the service of your 
country, the most zealous attachment to her interests, the most 
important political achievements recorded in her history, have left 
one rational man in the country insensible of your worth. We 
trust the day is far distant when his prejudices shall be removed 
by the loss of a genius so exalted, of a patriot so true. The father 
of your country, forgive the excesses of a misguided few, and exalt 
your already illustrious character by the magnanimity of the Gre- 
cian sage, who poured from his poisoned cup a libation for the 
enemies who pursued him to destruction. 

May you, Sir, long enjoy the unclouded reflections of a superior 
and unfading mind, upon a useful and illustrious life, and the 
happy consciousness that it has been honestly and affectionately 
devoted to the highest duties of society. 
Signed by order, 

RICHARD WRIGHT,} Churchwardens. 

6th July. 

Mr. Grattan s Answer. 

My Friends, 

You are right : you attribute the event of the other day to 
a few individuals, who form no part of the community, such as are 
to be found in every country, without belonging to any. 

It is to the great sense of the community I appeal, and by their 
judgment I will stand. Already has that judgment been pro- 
nounced in my favour, and the unseemly event above alluded to 
has produced to me the most important advantages. 

App€1ldix,'\ ATTACK ON MR. GRATTAN. 


The warmth of your indignation is founded on your sense of 
justice — the warmth of your approbation on your generous nature 
and the characteristical order of my countrymen. 

I have the honour to be, 

Your grateful humble Servant, 


9th July. 

To the Gentlemen, Clergy, Freemen, and Freeholders of the City of 


I beg to return you thanks for the honour you have done 
me, in returning me to represent you in Parliament. I accept the 
duty with respect, and shall discharge it with fidelity worthy of 
that constituency by whom it had been preferred. 

I have the honour to remain, Gentlemen, 
With every sentiment of respect, 

Your faithful humble Servant, 


Stephen's Green, 11th July, 1818. 

I beg also to return thanks to those who have done me the 
honor of making their obliging inquiries after my health. 


A Deputation, consisting of the following gentlemen — The Rev. 
A. Hilles, the Rev. Doctor Hamill, Mr. J. D. Mullin, Mr. P. 
Byrne, Mr. Furlong, Mr. Spencer, Mr. Gahan, Mr. Bell, Mr. 
Hamilton, Mr. Ayres, &c. &c, waited on Mr. Grattan, on 
Wednesday last, to present him the following Address from the 
parish of St. Nicholas Without. 

To the Right Hon. Henry Grattan. 

We, the parishioners of the parish of St. Nicholas Without, 
assembled in Vestry, thus publicly avow our horror and detestation 
at the vile and atrocious attack committed on you the day of your 
election to represent the city of Dublin in parliament. 

Participating in those sentiments of regard and esteem for your 
great talents and exalted patriotism, which our fellow citizens have 
so unanimously expressed, we hasten to offer you our warmest con- 
gratulations on your happy escape from the outrage on your ve- 
nerable person, the enormity of which no language can describe. 




That the empire may long enjoy your exertions as a legislator, 
our city the honour of its connexion with you as its representative, 
and Ireland its proudest ornament, is the sincere and anxious wish 
of your devoted countrymen. 

Mr. Grattdns Answer. 

My Friends and Fellow Citizens, 

I thank you : you say it is your wish that I may long live 
to serve the empire. — Permit me to amend your wish, by the ad- 
dition of mine, which is, that you may long live to enjoy the bless- 
ings of a free constitution — that you and your families may long 
prosper, and that you may transmit to your children your spirit and 
your privileges. 

I remain, Gentlemen, 

Your grateful humble Servant, 


The following Address was presented by the Parishioners of 
St. Thomas's parish. 

To the Right Hon. Henry Grattan. 

We, the parishioners of St. Thomas's parish, assembled pursu- 
ant to a requisition, beg leave, in common with our fellow citizens, 
to congratulate you on your being, for the fifth time, elected one of 
the representatives of our city in Parliament ; and also to express 
our horror and detestation at the late atrocious outrage offered to 
your person, by a few infuriated individuals, who could only have 
been actuated by some sudden, and as yet inexplicable, impulse, 
to commit so vile and detestable an act, on one so sacred to his 
country at large, but particularly to the citizens of Dublin. 

It, however, must be a source of consolation to you to receive, 
as it is to us to witness, the unanimous expressions of congratula- 
tion presented to you from all classes of your fellow citizens, and 
be assured that none will approach you, whose attachment to your 
person and public character, can surpass ours in zeal and sincerity. 
Signed, in behalf of selves and fellow parishioners, 
JOHN SHAW, 7 n , ■ , 

CHAMB. R. WALKER, J" Churchwardens. 
Vestry Room, 6th July, 1818. 

Mr. Grattan' $ Answer. 
My Friends and Fellow Citizens, 

A few individuals — a sudden and inexplicable impulse — 
a momentary infatuation —any thing, every thing, might account 




for that violence of which you complain : it is not worth your in- 
vestigation : my friends and electors, have nothing to say to it. I 
receive the unanimous expressions of congratulation from my fel- 
loe citizens, not as a consolation for such a trifle as that, but as 
an inestimable testimony which I shall endeavour to merit and ever 

I remain gratefully, 

Your faithful humble Servant, ■ 


To the Right Hon, Henry Grattan. 


We, the parishioners of St. Werburgh's parish, assembled 
pursuant to public notice, beg leave to offer you our most sincere 
and heartfelt congratulations, on your late providential escape from 
the brutal frenzy of a cowardly and sanguinary mob. 

Although we are convinced that the guilt of this base assault 
extends but to a few, still we feel it a matter of national reproach, 
that even a single individual could be found amongst us, so stupidly 
ferocious as to raise his parricidal hand against a man, who maybe 
justly called the father of his country — at the very moment, too, 
when the great body of your constituents had unanimously, and, 
for the fifth time, entrusted to your protection the guardianship of 
their rights and liberties — and, while your fellow-citizens, of every 
class and party, were preparing to hail your approach in the proud- 
est and most rational of civic triumphs. 

For the sake of our country, for the sake of humanity, we would 
wish to obliterate every trace of this odious transaction; we would 
only remember, if possible, the undaunted heroism, the equanimity 
and coolness which you manifested on this trying occasion ; we 
had seen those qualities often displayed in defence of your coun- 
try — how melancholy, how degrading to humanity, that, after forty 
years' faithful services, they should at last become necessary in 
defence of your very valuable life. 

Again we entreat you to accept our sincerest congratulations 
on your deliverance from the brutal hand of ruffian violence, and 
our most ardent wishes for your future health, safety, and pros- 

By order, 
W. H. FINLAY, Vestry Clerk. 

Mr. Grattan s Answer. 

My Friends and Fellow Citizens, 

I beg to repeat what I cannot enlarge upon— my thorough 
sense of the indignation you express at the outrage made upon 
your representative, and my total oblivion of the transaction, fur- 




ther than as it serves to bring forth, on the subject of my conduct, 
the approbation of my fellow citizens, and the sense of the city ; 
to that I bear a most unfeigned respect, and return you my most 
hearty thanks. 

With every expression of gratitude, 
I remain, Gentlemen, 

Your faithful humble Servant, 




Permit us to offer you our sincere congratulations on your 
escape from the late savage and cowardly assault upon your 
person, and to express our abhorrence of such an atrocious out- 

Few and contemptible as were the ruffians who dared to attack 
you, we cannot think without horror on the possible consequences 
of such an assault ; on the danger which threatened the life of one, 
dear to us from so many remembrances, so long our representa- 
tive, venerable from years, and the services by which your constant 
attachment to the interests of the country has been proved. 

It is impossible to convey the feelings with which we regard 
this disgraceful occurrence ; it is unnecessary, we trust, to declare 
the sense which the citizens of Dublin entertain of your long ex- 
perienced services, but we cannot neglect the opportunity which 
is afforded us of expressing how sincerely we join in the general 
wish, that you may enjoy many happy years of added life; that the 
empire may be long blessed with the advantage of your counsels, 
and that succeeding years may, like the past, be marked by new 
illustrations of your wisdom, your virtues, and your patriotism, 
and new proofs of the admiration and esteem with which you have 
been always regarded. 

Mr. Grattans Answer. 

My Friends and Fellow Citizens, 

To you who express yourselves with so much approbation 
of my conduct ; to you who express yourselves with so much in- 
dignation at my injury, I can only reply, that your praise surpasses 
my merit, and your expressions my power of thanking you. As 
far as those powers go, you will accept my gratitude, and the 
warmest acknowledgments for your kindness and sympathy. 

I have the honour to be, 

Your very faithful Servant, 


Appendix.'] attack on mr. grattan. 



At a Meeting of the Householders of this Parish, convened by 
public notice, and held at the Vestry Room, July 4th, 1818. 

The CHURCHWARDENS in the Chair. 
Resolved unanimously, That a Committee be appointed to 
prepare an Address to the Right Honorable Henry Grattan, to 
express our abhorrence of the recent outrage offered to his person 
on returning from the hustings in this city, after being unanimous- 
ly re-elected our representative in Parliament, and to congratulate 
him on his providential escape from any serious injury. 

A Committee was accordingly appointed to prepare such Address, 
who retired for the purpose, and soon after submitted an Address 
to the Meeting, which was read paragraph by paragraph, and 
unanimously agreed to. A deputation was then appointed to pre- 
sent the said Address to Mr. Grattan, consisting of the following 
persons : 

William Smith, Esq. 
James King, Esq. 
William Glynn, Esq. 
Thomas Morgan, Esq. 
James Dillon, Esq. 
William Courtney, Esq. 

Hon. F. H. Hutchinson 
James Corry, Esq. 
Hugh Dick, Esq. 
Rev. Thomas Gamble 
Rev. Piers R. Gamble 
William Hawthorn, Esq. 

Marcus Hickey, Esq. 

Resolved, That the said Address be, with Mr. Grattan's An- 
swer, published in the Freeman's Journal, the Dublin Evening 
Post, Carrick's Morning Post, and the Correspondent. 

To the Right Honourable Henry Grattan. 


We, the householders of the parish of St. Michan, have 
waited upon you to request that you will accept our sincere con- 
gratulations on your late providential escape from the violent out- 
rage that was offered to your person. 

We rejoice that you have received no serious injury, but how 
shall we find it possible to express the horror with which we con- 
template the act ! 

All good men, however they may differ from each other upon 
subjects of a religious or political character, must unite, as we do, 
in feeling surprised, that, even among the vilest of the community, 
there should be found any Irishman so base, as to raise his hand 
against him whose life has been devoted to the service of his 

They must also feel with us, that the blow, that was struck 
against you, Sir, was struck against the well-being of society, 
throughout all its relations. The city of Dublin was insulted in 
its representative, — Ireland in the champion of her best and 
brightest days, — and the empire at large in the person of him, 
whose virtuous patriotism has been the admiration of her senate- 

a. s 




Suffer us, however, to assure you, Sir, before we take our leave, 
that the ruffians by whom your life was assaulted, have only made 
that life more dear to every loyal and honest heart in the com- 

The Churchwardens, accompanied by the foregoing deputation, 
waited on Mr. G rattan on the 9th instant, with the above Address, 
to which he gave the following Answer : 

Mr. Grattan s Answer. 

My Friends and Fellow Citizens, 

The accident of the other day, as a bodily hurt, was no- 
thing ; as a political event, it is to me every thing. It has given 
occasion to my fellow citizens to express their regard for me. 
Different as their sentiments may be on the various subjects of re- 
ligion and politics, they, too, seem to unite in an anxiety for my 
safety ; different as those sentiments may be, on religion and poli- 
tics, I unite with them in an anxiety for theirs ; and there are two 
sentiments in which every Irishman will agree, the sentiments of 
freedom and humanity. 

Accept my thanks — they proceed from a grateful heart, and 
are presented to a cordial — to a worthy — to an honourable com- 

I remain, Gentlemen, gratefully 

Your faithful, humble Servant, 



The following Address to Mr. Grattan was presented to him 
by the Committee appointed for that purpose, accompanied by 
a number of the Parishioners. 

To the Right Hon. Henry Grattan. 


We, the inhabitants of St. Peter's parish, convened in pur- 
suance of public requisition, beg leave to approach you with our 
most sincere congratulations, on your having escaped, with so lit- 
tle injury, from the late atrocious attack upon your life, by an 
infuriate mob ; an attack so hostile to every just and honourable 
feeling, to every principle of respect for private worth, and vene- 
ration for public virtue, that we cannot but be most anxious to 
vindicate our city from the disgrace which such an outrage tends 
to cast upon it — by thus marking it with the strongest expression 
of our reprobation and abhorrence. Permit us, Sir, also to take 
this opportunity of conveying to you our most anxious wishes, 
that you may long live to enjoy that happiness which ever attends 



the last years of a life such as yours, cheered as it is, by the retro- 
spect of exertions which all classes of your fellow citizens must 
concur in feeling, have been uniformly influenced by the purest 
and most honourable motives, and which, therefore, must deserve 
and receive the gratitude of the patriotic, the esteem of the good, 
and secure that tranquillity of mind which is the highest reward of 
public and private virtue. 

Signed for, and on behalf of the Parishioners. 

ROBERT LANNTG AN, J Churchwardens. 

A/V. Grattaiis Answer. 


The interest my fellow citizens take in the case of an indi- 
vidual, is more than any subject can merit. 

There is a magnificence with which the public rewards her 
servants which partakes more of the nature of the body that con- 
fers the favour, than of the individual who receives it — with this 
reflection I measure my own merit, and the kindness of my fellow 

You will accept my acknowledgments for your favour, and believe 
that I remain, Gentlemen, gratefully, 

Your faithful humble Servant, 



By the Master, Wardens, and Brethren of the Corporation of 
Cutlers, Painter Stainers, and Stationers ; or, Guild of St. Luke 
the Evangelist, Dublin. 

To the Right Hon. Henry Grattan. 

Sir and Brother, 

Your Brethren of the Guild of St. Luke, have deputed us 
to offer you their most heartfelt congratulations on your escape 
from the malignant attack of a few contemptible ruffians ; our in- 
dignation against them can only be equalled by our admiration at 
the cool intrepidity displayed by you in your defence ; we required 
no new proof of your heroism — great minds are seldom deficient 
on such occasions. — While we regret the cause of its display, we 
hope, that the general rush of all orders and religions of your 
more virtuous fellow citizens, to your rescue, making your tri- 
umph more glorious, by its testimony of the public regard for your 
safety, will prove a balm and consolation, under the injuries you 
have sustained. 

B B 2 




That your life may be prolonged for the future service of your 
country, and that every succeeding year may increase your po- 
pularity with the people of Ireland, is our sincere wish, and of our 
brethren who have deputed us. 

JAMES BOSWELL, J" wardens. 


Mr. Grattans Answer. 

My Friends, 

I have forgotten the transactions of Tuesday, but I can 
never forget the affections of my fellow citizens. 

I can never forget that they have five times elected me to serve 
them in Parliament — that they have given the strongest indications 
of personal regard, far beyond my pretensions ; and have felt for 
me more than I ought to feel for myself. 

We must ever distinguish the errors and outrages of a few, from 
the solid sense and good heart of the community. 

" These are evils inseparable from the nature of man, and inci- 
dental to every free state. We will preserve the freedom ; we 
will overlook the evil ; and whatever be the fury of a few, or the 
fate of an individual, may the liberties of the people be eternal. 
I have the honour to be, Gentlemen, 

Your most faithful humble Servant, 



Post- Hall, 7th July, 1818. 

Resolved unanimously, That the following Address be pre- 
sented to the Right Hon. Henry Grattan : — 


We, the Masters, Wardens, and Brethren, of the Guild of 
Merchants, Dublin, whilst with feelings of the warmest affection 
and esteem we congratulate you, our Fellow-Citizens, the Irish 
Nation, and the British Empire, upon your providential escape 
from the hands of lawless violence, on the day on which your 
fellow-citizens gave you the strongest proof of their approbation 
of your conduct in Parliament, by unanimously electing you, for 
the fifth time, their representative, we deeply deplore, and 
strongly deprecate the base attempt made on your venerable 

That you may long live to exercise those splendid talents which, 
directed oy your highly-informed mind and honest heart, have 
eminently contributed to the advancement of our trade and com- 
merce, and the glory of the empire, is our most fervent wish. 




Mr. Grattans Answer. 

My Brethren. 

You congratulate me on my safety, and I congratulate my- 
self on having received the testimony of your approbation. The 
event of the other day does not deserve to be remembered, further 
than by its having produced such proofs of your kindness and 
affection. It has given you an opportunity of making the most 
splendid declarations in my favour, and gives me an occasion to 
thank you, and to prefer my warmest wishes for your trade, your 
prosperity, and your freedom. To have been in any degree in- 
strumental to promote those great objects, is my greatest glory ; 
to have received your approbation, an ample reward. 
Accept my thanks and warmest acknowledgments. 
I remain, gratefully, 

Your faithful humble Servant, 



To the Right Hon. Henry Grattan. 


We, the Master, Wardens, and Brethren of the Corporation 
of Carpenters, Millers, Masons, Healers, Turners, and Plumbers, 
of the city of Dublin, beg leave to offer you our sincere congra- 
tulations on your escape from the nefarious attempt on your most 
valuable person. 

Your life, Sir, has been ever spent in the exercise of the most 
transcendant talent for the benefit of your country. 

Be assured, Sir, you live in the hearts of every well-wisher to 
Ireland ; and we fondly cherish the hope, that you may long live 
to be the representative of this city, and by the exercise of your 
exalted abilities, promote its prosperity and happiness. Impressed 
with these sentiments, we beg to express our gratitude to you for 
past services, and our hope that that scene which has disgraced 
our city, may be obliterated from your memorv. 

Air. Grattans Answer. 
Friends and Fellow-Citizens, 

You will accept my sincere thanks for your kind Address. 
The event to which you allude has had this good effect—that it 
has tended to renew and strengthen the link between the repre- 
sentative and the constituents, and render my fellow-citizens more 
dear to me than ever. 

I remain your faithful, obedient Servant, 


B B 3 


[ Appendix, 

At a Meeting of the Corporation of Hosiers, or Guild of St* 
George, Dublin, held, pursuant to requisition, on Wednesday 
the 8th inst., at their Hall, Coombe. 

Mr. WILLIAM SMITH, Master, in the Chair. 

The following Address was unanimously resolved to be pre- 
sented to our venerated brother, the Right Honourable Henry 
Grattan : — 


We, the Master, Wardens, and Brethren of the Corpo- 
ration of Hosiers, or Guild of St. George, fully and deeply parti- 
cipating in the sentiments of indignation and abhorrence so uni- 
versally entertained by our fellow-citizens, at the late atrocious 
outrage committed on your person, which, by every Irishman, 
should be held sacred, hasten to approach you with our warmest 
congratulations on your happy and providential escape. 

Could such an unforeseen outrage be attributed to any other 
cause, than the folly and unpremeditated wickedness of an insig- 
nificant portion of an ignorant rabble it would affix an indelible 
stain of base ingratitude on this metropolis, which has witnessed 
the many and great services you have rendered to your country, 
and which could never forget the arduous struggles you had 
so repeatedly made for the independence and preservation of its 

We, Sir, feel assured, that you will attribute the occurrence to 
the true cause ; and that you will see in it an occasion for re- 
joicing only, as it has furnished your constituents and fellow-citi- 
zens with an opportunity of conveying to you the gratifying con- 
viction, that you have held, and must ever hold, a high place in 
their affections ; that such have been, and will ever continue to-be, 
the feelings of attachment entertained by this Guild, we trust, Sir, 
you can never doubt. That Guild has been foremost in claiming 
the honour of enrolling you among its freemen ; nor can it cease 
to think of you but as the venerated father of your country. 

A Deputation having presented the above Address, Mr. Grat- 
tan replied : — 

My Brothers, 

I have the honour of being one of your body ; I am a 
brother, and belong to the Corporation of St. George. It is many 
years since I have had that honour. This is not the first time on 
which I have had occasion to thank you ; some of my best friends 
are of our Corporation. I am glad to meet you, and happy to 
make you my sincere acknowledgments. Your Address to me is 
a renewal of old communications, which endear the member to 
his constituents, and the constituents to the member. Accept my 
sincere thanks, and believe me now, as I ever have been, 

Your faithful Friend and humble Servant, 


Append Li- . J 




The subjoined Address was presented, on Tuesday, to Mr. Grat- 
t an, by a Deputation from St. James's parish. The Rev. Dr. 
Waters, Vicar, before delivering the Address, expressed him- 
self in these words : — 

Mr. Grattan, 

We, the Minister and Deputation from St. James's Parish, 
wait upon you, to add our small tribute to the general congratu- 
lation on your late happy escape from the violence offered to your 
person, by the misguided, misjudging hand of riot and anarchy. 
The Address which I now have the honour to present to you, is 
not replete with flowery, elegant, court-like language ; but though 
it may be deficient in that respect, it contains the sincere language 
of our hearts, filled with respect and friendship for your person ; 
a friendship founded on the solid base of that esteem and venera- 
tion which we feel, which the world feels, for your exalted charac- 
ter and transcendant abilities. We hope and sincerely wish that 
you may long enjoy ease and affluence, accompanied by good 
health, the first and greatest of all earthly blessings. 

Mr. Waters then concluded with these lines from Horace: — 

Serus in Coelum redeas, diuque 

Lsetus intersis Populo Hibernian. 


To the Right Hon. Henry Grattan. 


We, the inhabitants of St. James's Parish, approach you 
with those feelings of respect and attachment which your long and 
faithful services have implanted and cherished in our hearts, but 
which the late attack upon your person calls upon us at this time 
emphatically to express. 

We regret the great disgrace which a few misguided individuals 
have brought upon our city, and the distress which the commission 
of such an outrage must have inflicted upon your patriotic heart. 
We trust, however, that the cheering voice of universal sympathy 
and attachment will remove the painful impression which an insult 
so cruel and so wanton was calculated to produce, and that the oc- 
currence will be banished from your mind and memory for ever ! 

We feel convinced that you will be consoled by reflecting upon 
the attachment which your constituents feel towards you ; the gra- 
titude with which they look back upon your past exertions ; the 
pleasure which they feel in calling you their fellow-citizen ; and 
their pride in claiming you as their own representative. 

The most precious days of our history are connected with your 
political career ; our best privileges were obtained through your 
b b 4- 




zealous and ardent instrumentality ; the lustre of your eloquence 
illuminated the dark page of our annals ; united to us by a thou- 
sand links of early association, we cherish, with feelings of warm 
anticipation, a continuance of that connection which has so long 
reflected honour upon a large and respectable city ; and we ear- 
nestly hope that the same merciful Providence which has recently 
shielded you from serious injury, may long preserve you, and for 
ever protect you. 


JAMES WATERS, Vicar, Chairman, 
M. J. O'KELLY, Secretary. 

St. James's Vestry Room, 
4th July, 1818. 

Mr. Grattans Reply. 

My Friends and Fellow-Citizens, 

If I could convert wishes into services, there is nothing 
should not be done for my country ; but time, which does not set 
bounds to gratitude, imposes limits on the faculties of old men. 
My inclinations are alive as ever for my country ; and what I want 
in ability, I must make up in affection. 

I want words to express my thanks to you for the interest you 
have taken in this late accident, and remain, Gentlemen, 

Your grateful humble Servant, 


At a Meeting of the Tenantry of the Vicars-town Estate, held at 
Stradbally, on Sunday, the 5th day of July, 1818. 

WILLIAM DUNNE, Esq. in the Chair. 

The following Address was proposed to be presented to the 
Right Honourable Henry Grattan, and unanimously agreed 
to: — 

That we have heard, with the deepest regret and horror, 
that an attempt of the foulest nature has been made to deprive 
us of the support of a kind and good landlord ; our country of 
her tried friend, and society of its brightest ornament. That 
whilst we express our disgust and horror at the attempt, we can- 
not but return thanks for the miraculous preservation of a life so 
dear to us all. We have met on this day previous to divine ser- 
vice, that we each retire to his respective place of worship, and in 
an humble, but grateful manner, return thanks to the Almighty, 
who has been graciously pleased to spare the life of our friend, 

Sir, we have found you at all times ready to aid and assist the 
poor tenants on your property, and we are particularly anxious to 
seize this opportunity of publicly expressing our gratitude for the 
relief you afforded last year to the poor on your estate.* You 

* A year of unprecedented distress throughout Ireland. 




nursed them ; you employed all who were distressed ; and, we be- 
lieve, saved many from destruction, who, without that employment, 
and the food you provided for them, would have fallen victims to 
the unprecedented calamity of the last season. For these favours* 
we return you for them our warmest thanks, and sincerely do we 
hope you will soon be able to come amongst us. 

The situation you had just been chosen to fill, and from which 
it was intended to hurl you , was one you have long filled with ho- 
nour to yourself, and advantage to your country ; and when we 
reflect on this, and on the interest you have always taken in the 
concerns of the citizens of Dublin, we feel astonished that in that 
city one individual could be found daring enough to raise his 
arm against the man of the people. 

We are, Sir, with profound respect and esteem, 

Your faithful Servants. 

Signed on behalf of the tenantry, by 


Upon William Dunne, Esq., leaving the Chair, William Lyons, 
Esq., was unanimously voted into it ; when it was 

Resolved, That the thanks of this Meeting be given to our 
worthy Chairman, for his kind and proper conduct in the Chair. 
Signed on behalf of the Tenants, by 


Mr. Grattaris Reply. 

My Excellent Friends, 

I thank you for the interest you take in my safety. 
If I have done you any service, you have repaid it by your 
punctuality and fidelity ; and if you are satisfied with your Land- 
lord, your Landlord is satisfied with you. The late event was an 
accident that proceeded from a few senseless individuals. 

The city of Dublin has expressed the strongest indignation on 
the subject, and has done me the greatest honour. 

I remain, your faithful and affectionate Friend, 


Stephen's-green, Dublin, "> 
10th July. J 



The violence committed on your person on the 30th ult, 
we look on as only short of parricide. 

The arm of the fiend who struck you we would immolate, in 
atonement for the outrage committed on the honour of our city. 

Our representation in the Imperial Parliament we would deem 
nugatory, were it not for its forensic genius ; and in you, Sir, we 




behold with pride one of our brightest constellations, which, we 
trust, will one day burst like a thunderbolt, to rend asunder that 
gloomy cloud, the Union, which so darkens our horizon, that it 
may fall on our country in an enlivening shower of liberty ; and 
let us enjoy the sunshine of our latter days as free as the air we 

We offer our congratulations on your providential escape 
from the hands of the assassin, and implore that Power which pro- 
tected you in the hour of danger, that your days may be happy as 
they have been illustrious, and that, for the services rendered your 
lost country, he may finally give you that reward which this world 
cannot give. 

Mr. Grattaris Answer. 

My Friends and Fellow-Citizens, 

A crazy individual, who might be found in any country, 
committed an outrage upon the person of your representative, 
without any serious consequence. Your indignation upon that 
subject has raised that individual in your favour, and has trans- 
ferred your abhorrence of the transaction to an exaggerated ap- 
probation of the man. However, after making every deduction 
on that account, I still have the serious satisfaction to think, that 
there will remain a balance of public service, which, though my 
fellow-citizens now over-rate, they will always remember. In that 
conviction I thank you, and remain, Gentlemen, 

Your grateful humble Servant, 


At a numerous and respectable Meeting of the Parishioners of 
St. George's, convened under requisition. 

The Hon. A. HELY HUTCHINSON in the Chair. 

The following Address was unanimously agreed to. 

To the Right Hon. Henry Grattan. 


In congratulating you on your providential escape from the 
late attempt on your person, we beg leave to say, that we are ani- 
mated by motives of a more lasting character than mere selfish 
principles or party zeal — motives, Sir, we trust, more becoming 
ourselves, and honourable to you. 

We have beheld, with astonishment and indignation, your feel- 
ings violated and your life endangered, by an infatuated few, re- 
gardless of the laws, unscared by the dignity of your exalted 
Station, or the proud splendour of your name. 




Though not of" the immediate number of your constituents, we 
gladly avail ourselves of this opportunity to express, in common 
with all good men, our detestation of such miscreants, and our 
abhorence of such principles — they are parricides against their 
country, and as such we cannot cease to consider them. 

Convinced that you are more concerned for the insult offered to 
our national character, than for the outrage committed against 
yourself, we shall endeavour to imitate your magnanimity, by suf- 
fering our feelings to merge in your desire to forgive the injury, 
and only beg leave to assure you, Sir, of our unfeigned respect, and 
sincere satisfaction at your providential preservation. 

Thanks being returned to the Churchwardens, and the Hon. 
A. Hcly Hutchinson having left the Chair, and John Barlow, Esq. 
one of the Churchwardens, being called thereto, the thanks of the 
Meeting were unanimously voted to the Hon. Chairman. 

Mr. Grattans Answer. 

My Friends and Fellow Citizens, 

It is with peculiar satisfaction I received your most respect- 
able deputation. Whether I consider the individuals who compose 
it, or the matter which it contains, I must attribute your anxiety 
for my safety, more to the humane dispositions of my fellow citizens 
than to any merit of mine. A trifling accident, that might have 
been of some consequence, that proved to be of none, has given 
you an opportunity of displaying sensibilities which do honour to 
your hearts, and influence your judgment. I can only express my 
acknowledgments, and wish that I could justify, by my merits, the 
interest the country takes in my preservation. 

I remain, gratefully, 

Your faithful, humble Servant, 


To the Right Hon. Henry Grattan. 


We, the undersigned parishioners of St. Catharine's parish, 
assembled in vestry, approach to offer you the assurance of our 
strongest indignation and sincerest sorrow for the base outrage 
that was recently offered to your person, when your fellow citizens 
were chairing you, in testimony of their joy at your unanimous re- 
election to represent their city in Parliament. 

To have that honour conferred upon you for the fifth time, may, 
Sir, be esteemed a proud token of the approbation with which your 
fellow citizens view your political conduct. In ordinary cases we 




would esteem it an ample reward for a long life of political integrity. 
But, Sir, when we look back upon the events of your life, so use- 
fully and so brilliantly spent in the service of your country — when 
we recollect that, in the events of that life is traced the brightest 
page that adorns her history — when we recollect that, to you, she 
is indebted for a name that she may with pride hold in com- 
parison with the greatest senators, the greatest orators, and the 
greatest patriots of antiquity. We must wish that she could offer 
you a richer honour, as a tribute of the gratitude she owes you. 

Should, Sir, that country, in the decline of a life, from which she 
has reaped so rich a harvest of benefits, have raised her voice to 
revile, or her arm to insult you, not all the brilliancy of your 
GREAT NAME, not all the glories your life has shed around her, 
could redeem her abroad, or with posterity, from the stain of so 
foul an ingratitude. 

For the sake, Sir, of our common country, we are foremost to 
proclaim to the world, to record it for posterity, that the insult we 
deplore was not inflicted by her ; that she was blasphemed if it was 
offered in her name. 

No, Sir, your country disowns the ruffian that would harm you, 
she execrates the wretch that raised his arm to insult, in your per- 
son, every thing that is dear to her from association with the bril- 
liant periods through which you conducted her. 

If it seemed for an instant that you were left unprotected from 
such a sacrilege, it was because it could never enter into the calcu- 
lations of foresight, that envy, that malice, that faction, could find a 
wretch, or band of wretches, abandoned or hardy enough to offer 
you an insult in an assembly of Irish men. 

Accept, Sir, our warmest sympathies on this occasion ; accept, 
Sir, our warmest congratulations at your escape without serious 
injury from so vile an outrage; accept, Sir, the assurances of your 
country's unalterable affection, and may Heaven grant you a long 
life still to serve her, and to adorn the age in which we live. 

Mr. Grattaris Answer. 

My Friends and Fellow Citizens, 

The choice you have made of me to represent you in so 
many Parliaments — the public spirit which you have manifested — 
the personal regard and esteem which I have received from my 
fellow citizens and friends, this present testimony of their favour 
and affection, are much more than a compensation for any injury I 
have, or could have sustained, even of the most serious nature. 

The late outrage has had no other effect, except to bring for- 
ward the good feelings of my countrymen, and their characteristical 
warmth and generosity, and to manifest a spirit which asserts the 
humanity of the Irish, and proves the excellent heart of an honour- 
able community. 




Accept my gratitude, with this assurance, that I cannot find 
words to express my thanks for the kindness of my countrymen, 
and that I find in their sympathies more than a reward for any ser- 
vices I can boast to have performed. 

I have the honour to be, 

Your very obedient, humble Servant, 

Be it remembered, that at a Post Assembly, held at the City 
Assembly House, William- Street, on Monday the 6th day of 
July, 1818, the following Address was agreed to be presented 
to the Right Honourable Henry Grattan, M. P. 

We have heard with surprise, indignation, and deep regret, 
of the gross and wicked assault committed upon you, on your re- 
turn from receiving the unanimous support of the electors of this 
city, on Tuesday last. If distinguished talent — if ardent patriot- 
ism — if unpurchaseable integrity — if a long and valuable life, past 
in the public service, could have rendered the person of any patriot 
safe from the brutal attack of the rabble, that safety should have 
been most sacred in your person. 

The electors have proved, by their union of sentiment, their 
reverence for your patriotism. The rabble have shown by their 
disgraceful and opprobrious conduct, how little they have merited 
from the services of the oldest and most distinguished friend of 
the people. 

The corporation of Dublin, the first to notice, and the most 
anxious to evince their detestation of such flagitious conduct, sin- 
cerely congratulate you upon your providential escape from those 
hands, which should have been upheld to protect and applaud the 
conduct of the man, whose life and talents have been devoted to 
the service of his country. 

In testimony whereof, the common seal of said city, is hereunto 
affixed, the day and year aforesaid. 

At a Meeting of the Parishioners of St. Luke, held this day, in the 
Vestry Room, pursuant to requisition, for the purpose of pre- 
paring and presenting a congratulatory Address to the Right 
Honourable Henry Grattan, on his recent escape from an 
attack made on his person, by a few insulated and misguided 






Resolved, That the following Address be adopted, and respect- 
fully presented to the Right Honourable Henry Grattan, on the 
part of the Parishioners, by the following Gentlemen : William 
Conlan, Thomas Parker, John Rooney, and Thomas Beasley, Jun. 

To the Right Hon. Henry Grattan. 


We, the Parishioners of St. Luke, whose sentiments are in 
perfect unison with those of every class of our fellow citizens, beg 
leave to offer you our sincere congratulations on your happy 
escape from the late base and unmerited attack made on you, by 
a few contemptible and misguided individuals who have endea- 
voured to bring disgrace on the character of our city, by attempt- 
ing to insult, in the person of our representative, the man whose 
great and comprehensive mind first obtained for Ireland a consti- 
tution ; and we must ever recollect with gratitude, admiration, and 
respect, the talents and the heroism with which you have always 
struggled to defend the liberties and independence of our country. 

Our most sincere wishes are, that you may long live to enjoy 
that happiness which must ever be the reward of unsullied virtue 
and true patriotism. 

9th July, 1818. 

THOMAS BEASLEY, Jun. 7 rh . , , ^ , 
JOHN RIDLEY, J Churchwaidc 


16th July, 1818. 

At a Post Hall held this day, pursuant to requisition, it was 
resolved unanimously, 

That we in vain seek the aid of language sufficiently expressive 
of our feelings of horror and detestation, at the ungenerous and 
cowardly attack, made upon the person of our revered and patriotic 
representative, the Right Honourable Henry Grattan ; and that 
in common with our fellow citizens, we eagerly embrace the pre- 
sent opportunity of again recording those sentiments of attachment 
and veneration, which we have always., and must ever feel for the 
man, who, in the worst times, dared to stem the torrent of cor- 
ruption, and boldly assert his country's rights, and protect his 
country's freedom. 

Resolved, That the following Address be presented 

To the Right Hon. Henry Grattan. 


In this hour of popular homage and congratulation, per- 
mit us to add our contribution on your recent escape from the 

Appendix. ,] 


attack of a lawless and undiscerning mob ; and to assure you, that 
we are actuated by no common feelings of resentment and abhor- 
rence, at so gross a violation of that gratitude and respect, which 
your long and signal services for your country, so eminently entitle 
you to. 

But this circumstance, so nearly fatal in its consequences, de- 
mands our fervent thanks to that all bounteous Providence, who 
never deserts the virtuous in the hour of danger, and who frequently 
converts the worst intentions into the best and wisest purposes, for 
preserving at the same moment your precious life, and preventing 
so disgraceful a blot being recorded on the annals of your native 

We rejoice that the blind and disappointed fury of a few mis- 
guided wretches, has offered an opportunity to all the liberal, en- 
lightened, and loyal inhabitants of this once flourishing city, to vie 
with each other in the honourable contention of being foremost in 
their congratulations to their beloved representative ; they can 
never forget, Sir, what Ireland owes you, that to your great and 
glorious exertions is to be attributed whatever political conse- 
quence she may boast of at this day ; they can never forget, Sir, 
when the treachery of her sons, and the envious jealousy of her 
enemies, aimed the last blow at her freedom, your distinguished 
and powerful efforts to prevent the accomplishment of a measure, 
the desolating and hideous consequences of which your prophetic 
soul but too well foresaw, and which we sincerely hope you may 
live to see repealed. 

But did we, Sir, require another proof of your exalted virtue, 
worth, and humanity, you have emblazoned them by the magnani- 
mity you have displayed in the forgiveness of those, " who tres- 
passed against you ;" may you, Sir, receive the divine reward pro- 
mised to so glorious an example. 

Long, Sir, may your energies, and your experience, survive, to 
advocate your country's cause. 

Signed by Order, 


To the Right Hon. Henry Grattan. 


We, the Inhabitants of St. John's Parish, in Vestry asem- 
bled, cannot suppress the feelings of indignation which we enter- 
tain for the late outrageous aggression committed on your vene- 
rated person, but, in common with our fellow citizens, beg leave 
thus publicly to present you our most sincere congratulations, for 
your providential escape from the parracidal hands of a few indivi- 
duals of the most abject order. 



We are anxious to evince to you, Sir, the deep impressions of 
gratitude which we feel, for the many important services you 
have rendered this country, and that after a long period of glorious 
and successful efforts in its behalf, to have been wantonly attacked 
by a miserable and misguided mob, is to us a source of the most 
inexpressible anguish. 

Your magnanimity and forgiving disposition, so eminently dis- 
played on a late occasion, has (if possible rivetted more strongly 
on our minds, the exalted purity of your character ; and permit us 
to add, that it is our most ardent wish that Providence may long 
preserve a life, endeared to us by the eminence of every virtue, 
combined with such brilliant and unexampled abilities. 

Signed by us on behalf of ourselves, and that of our fellow 


St. John's Vestry Room, ) 
20th July, 1818. $ 

[Ei y Churchwardens. 


To the Bight Hon. Henry Grattan. 
SlR, 30th July, 1818. 

We, the Master, Wardens, and Freemen of the Corporation 
of Apothecaries, or Guild of St. Luke, beg leave to congratulate 
you on your escape from the late outrageous and shameful attack 
made on your person, on Tuesday the 30th of June. 

Feelings of indignation would naturally arise, at the insult offered 
to our city, in the person of our representative ; but how much 
stronger must those feelings be, when we recognize in that repre- 
sentative, one who has stood by his country in every danger, who 
has been the firmest and tried advocate of her liberties and her 
interests, who has added to her splendour, as a nation, by the 
lustre of his talents. 




At a Meeting of Catholic Gentlemen, the following Address to 
Mr. Grattan was adopted. 

SlR, Dublin, Essex-street, 3d May, 1820. 

We have learned, with deep affliction, that your health has 
been of late much impaired; and that your physicians deem your 
intended journey to England for the present inadviseable. 




The object of that journey is avowed, and is one which revives and 
increases those sentiments of lively gratitude and profound attach- 
ment which we have ever entertained towards you ; and we cannot 
more suitably express the sincerity of those sentiments, than by 
most earnestly and anxiously entreating that you will postpone that 
journey, of which our liberties are the great object. 

We have, therefore, a right to conjure you to spare yourself for 
your afflicted country, and to await a more favourable, and we trust 
an early opportunitv of advocating our cause with renewed health. 
For and on the part of the Meeting, 

J. P. O'GORMAN, Secretary. 

Mr. Grattans Answer. 

GENTLEMEN, Stephen's Green, 5th May, 1820. 

I thank vou much for your solicitude on my account. I 
did intend to bring on your question speedily ; but I feel that this 
is at present impossible. I shall endeavour to -bring it on in a rea- 
sonable time, such as mav suit the convenience of the parties con- 
cerned. Nothing but physical impossibility shall prevent me; as I 
consider that my last breath belongs to my country. 

Your very obedient humble Servant, 

I hope in the course of next week to be able to write to you more 
fully on the important subject alluded to in your Address. 


A Catholic Meeting was held on Saturday, at the Globe Tavern, 

JOSEPH PLUNKET, of Rocksavage, Esq. in the Chair. 
Mr. O'Gorman reported, that he had received a letter from Mr. 
Grattan, jun. stating, that his father was anxious for an interview 
with some Catholic gentlemen, that their number should not exceed 
six, amongst whom Lord Trimlestown and Sir Edward Bellew 
should be included. Mr. O'Gorman informed the Meeting, that 
Lord Trimlestown was in France, and Sir Edward Bellew out of 
town. The following gentlemen were then appointed to wait on 
Mr. Grattan: 

Joseph Plunket, John Costigan, 

William Murphy, John Howley, and 

Daniel O'Connell, N. P. O'Gorman, Esqrs. 
c c 




The Deputation proceeded immediately to Stephen's Green, and 
returned in about three quarters of an hour. Mr. O'Gorman re- 
ported the result of their interview and read the following Address, 
which had been handed to them by Mr. Grattan. The impres- 
sion which this communication made on all present was affecting in 
the extreme. It is impossible to describe it otherwise than as that 
produced amongst an affectionate family, by receiving intelligence 
of the illness of a beloved parent. Mr. (late Judge) Day, Mr. 
W. C. Plunkett, and Mr. Burrowes were with Mr. Grattan, 
when the Deputation arrived. 

To the Gentlemen composing the Deputation appointed by the 
Meeting of Roman Catholics. 

GENTLEMEN, Stephen's Green, 13th May, 1820. 

I avail myself of your Deputation to give you a very sin- 
cere opinion touching the interests of the Roman Catholic body. 

I am convinced that it is their policy, as well as their duty, and 
I am sure it is their disposition, to maintain a perpetual connexion 
with the British Empire: 

To keep clear of every association with wild projectors for uni- 
versal suffrage and annual Parliaments, and continue to cultivate 
those gracious dispositions in the Rqyal Breast which had been 
early manifested in their favour, and to accept of emancipation 
upon the terms that are substantial and honourable. 

Pursuing such a principle, and with the temper and conduct 
which they are manifesting, and which I am proud to contemplate, 
they must succeed. 

They desire a privilege to worship their God according to the 
best of their judgment, and they have a right to do so with impu- 
nity, and without the interference of the state. 

I shall go to England for your question, and should the attempt 
prove less fortunate to my health, I shall be more than repaid by 
the reflection that I make my last effort for the liberty of my 

I have the honour to be, Gentlemen, 
Your very obedient and attached humble Servant, 



At a Meeting of the Roman Catholics of Liverpool, held at the 
Catholic Charity School, on the 24th day of May, 1820, an Address 
of thanks to the Right Honourable Henry Grattan, on his pas- 
sage through that town to London, was unanimously adopted, and 
a deputation consisting of the following gentlemen, viz. Rev. J. 




Robinson, Dr. M'Cartney, Mr. Henry Leigh Walter, Wm. Talbot, 
and R. M. Whitnell, Esqrs. were appointed to present the same. 


The Roman Catholics of Liverpool, unwilling to let the 
great Advocate of their .claims pass through this town without some 
expression of their thanks, have deputed us to convey to you, Sir, 
the grateful sense which they entertain of the noble exertions which 
you have so perseveringly made in their behalf. Tn executing this 
honourable and truly gratifying commission, permit us, Sir, to en- 
treat you not to consider any inadequateness of expression on our 
part, as indicative of inadequate feeling on the part of those whom 
it is our pride to represent. The Catholics here, as well as the 
Catholics of Ireland, are fully sensible of the obligations which 
they owe to the veteran champion of their cause — however feebly 
their sense of such obligations may be communicated on the pre- 
sent occasion. As British subjects, we naturally possess British 
feelings; and, consequently, an innate love of freedom — a strong 
attachment to our glorious Constitution, and an ardent desire to be- 
come partakers of all its benefits. Judge, then, Sir, from this, 
what must be our sentiments with respect to one who has inces- 
santly laboured, during a long and active life, to obtain for us that 
much wished for equal participation of all its blessings' ; and who 
has, by his matchless eloquence in the Senate, contributed more 
than any other individual to dispel from the public mind that mist 
of prejudice, the excitement of which, in our views of the case, first 
principally occasioned the enactment of the penal statutes against 
us, and whose remains now mainly operate against their complete 
repeal. / 

Whether our fervent and united prayer be heard, that you may 
live to witness the successful termination of your labours, or, like 
the great leader of the Israelites, you be taken from us, whilst stand- 
ing, under your guidance, upon the very threshold of the constitu- 
tion, rest assured, honoured Sir, that you will ever be considered by 
us as our conductor in chief from the state of Egyptian bondage in 
which you first found us, to the promised land of liberty under 
the British constitution ; and that the cherished name of Grat- 
tan will ever be fondly associated and inseparably interwoven 
with the cause of Catholic emancipation. Sorry are we that for 
such substantial benefits received, we have nothing but thanks, 
though emanating directly from the heart, to offer in return. But 
we are convinced that to be admired and deservedly recog- 
nized, whilst living, as the distinguished advocate of our civil and 
religious liberty, and to be classed, after death, amongst the fore- 
most of your country's benefactors, are rewards which your 
liberal mind, in conjunction with its own approving reflection, 
considers a more than sufficient remuneration for your public 
services, valuable as they have unquestionably been. The former 
reward you have already enjoyed in an almost unequalled degree 
— the latter as certainly will be yours. 




Mr. G rattan's Answer. 

GENTLEMEN, Waterloo Hotel, Liverpool, 24th Mayj 1820. 

I thank you extremely for your kindness. Your zeal must 
supply my want of ability ; and whatever is deficient, attribute it to 
the reai cause, which is, want of health, and not of inclination. 
I am, Gentlemen, 

Your very obedient humble Servant, 



London : 
Printed by A. & R. Spottiswoode, 
New= Street-Square. 


3 9031 01587577 6 

TITLE " ~ 




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